Geotermia Polska czy uzaleznienie od energii zagranicznej?
Fundusz ekologiczny czy polityczny?
Nasz Dziennik, 2008-05-30
Jeśli do 2010 roku Polska nie wywiąże się z międzynarodowych zobowiązań odnośnie do pozyskiwania energii z zasobów odnawialnych, to będziemy płacili potężną karę - rocznie ponad miliard euro
Unieważnienie przez Narodowy Fundusz Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej umowy z Fundacją "Lux Veritatis" dotyczącej inwestycji geotermalnych w Toruniu może w przyszłości skutkować nałożeniem na Polskę kar w związku z niewypełnieniem minimalnego limitu energii pochodzącej ze źródeł odnawialnych - ostrzegają specjaliści od energii odnawialnej. Inni eksperci z kolei zauważają polityczny charakter tej decyzji. Listy protestacyjne w tej sprawie wystosowała grupa posłów do Parlamentu Europejskiego, kierując je do premiera, prezesa NFOŚiGW oraz unijnych komisarzy ds. ochrony środowiska i energii.
W przekonaniu prof. dr. hab. Ryszarda Kozłowskiego z Instytutu Inżynierii Materiałowej Politechniki Krakowskiej, decyzja Narodowego Funduszu Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej dotycząca inwestycji geotermalnych w Toruniu może spowodować, że nasz kraj nie wypełni zobowiązań międzynarodowych. - W 2010 roku Polska nie wywiąże się z zobowiązania międzynarodowego odnośnie do pozyskiwania energii z zasobów odnawialnych. Jak obliczyli Niemcy, będziemy płacili karę 70 euro za megawatogodzinę w stosunku do mocy brakującej. Ponieważ prawdopodobnie będzie nam brakowało 5 proc. z 34 tys. megawatów energii elektrycznej, którą Polska dysponuje, to w skali roku zapłacimy karę w wysokości ponad 1 mld euro (1705 proc. naszego przyszłego niedoboru energii odnawialnej pomnożone przez 70 euro, 365 dni i 24 godziny) - alarmuje profesor Kozłowski. - Dziwne, ale rząd tym się nie przejmuje. Woli zapłacić karę, niż uruchomić najtańszą produkcję energii. Bo w Europie jest ona właśnie najtańszą energią - dodaje profesor.
Profesor Kozłowski jest zbulwersowany decyzją Funduszu, która kłóci się z przedwyborczymi obietnicami premiera Donalda Tuska. - Premier Tusk podczas kampanii wyborczej obiecywał Polakom będącym na emigracji, że będą mogli wrócić do kraju. My właśnie uważamy, że przy takim jednym centrum geoenergetycznym może powstać kilkaset miejsc pracy. Jeżeli premier Tusk pozbywa się takiej możliwości - jest to dla nas zupełnie niezrozumiałe - dodaje naukowiec.
W związku z wypowiedzeniem umowy Fundacji "Lux Veritatis" na realizację inwestycji geotermalnej dla Torunia grupa posłów do Parlamentu Europejskiego (Urszula Krupa, Witold Tomczak, Bogdan Pęk, Bogusław Rogalski, Andrzej Zapałowski) oraz poseł Anna Sobecka przesłała listy protestacyjne do premiera, prezesa NFOŚiGW oraz unijnych komisarzy ds. ochrony środowiska i energii. Zwracając się do Jana Rączki, prezesa Funduszu, z apelem o uczciwą analizę sprawy i podjęcie działań uchylających "wybitnie szkodliwą i krótkowzroczną" decyzję, sygnatariusze pisma zaznaczają: "(...) decyzja podjęta przez Narodowy Fundusz Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej dziwi także ze względu na to, jak wskazują sami urzędnicy, że nie wykorzystuje się wszystkich pieniędzy, które miały być wydatkowane na odnawialne źródła energii, w tym na geotermię, co więcej, nie ma chętnych, by realizować geotermię w naszym kraju, a decyzja była sprawdzana pod względem merytorycznym, formalnym i celowościowym. Jeszcze w styczniu wyniki kontroli Ministerstwa Środowiska w Narodowym Funduszu Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej wykazały, że nie ma żadnych przeszkód, by Fundacja 'Lux Veritatis' mogła realizować przedsięwzięcie".
Poza nie merytoryczną decyzją NFOŚiGW, niezrozumiałą z punktu widzenia ekonomicznego, dochodzą podejrzenia o celowe działania mające dyskryminować społeczność katolicką w Polsce. Profesor dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński, kierownik Katedry Filozofii Kultury Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, uważa - podobnie jak zarząd Fundacji "Lux Veritatis" - że decyzja Funduszu to realizacja przedwyborczych zapowiedzi premiera Donalda Tuska. - Tak, ten jegomość, gdy chodzi o konstruktywne obietnice przedwyborcze, to jak widać gołym okiem, żartował, natomiast jeśli chodzi o zapowiedzi destruktywne, to robi to poważnie. Podstawy jego programu działania politycznego sprowadzają się do niszczenia katolicyzmu w Polsce. Dlatego dostał tak potężne wsparcie antykatolickich mediów - zaznacza.
Komu przeszkadza geotermia
Również minister ochrony środowiska w rządzie Jarosława Kaczyńskiego, a obecnie poseł Prawa i Sprawiedliwości prof. Jan Szyszko nie może doszukać się merytorycznych podstaw dla decyzji Funduszu. - Dziwne jest to, że obecny rząd, dyskutując o tzw. pakiecie energetycznym, zobowiązuje się do tego, aby 20 proc. energii pochodziło z odnawialnych źródeł i jednocześnie nie robi nic ku temu, aby wykorzystać polskie szanse w tym kierunku. Muszę powiedzieć, że jestem zbulwersowany decyzją NFOŚiGW, gdyż geotermia w Polsce zawsze była blokowana - zauważa profesor, gość środowego programu "Polski punkt widzenia" w Telewizji Trwam. - Ona była blokowana - tak przypuszczam - przez tych, którzy uważają, że geotermia zawsze może być bardzo konkurencyjna w stosunku do innych źródeł energii - dodaje Jan Szyszko.
Zdziwienia decyzją NFOŚiGW nie kryje Kazimierz Kujda, były prezes zarządu Funduszu. Zwraca uwagę na staranne spełnienie przez Fundację wszystkich warunków niezbędnych do zawarcia umowy. - Zachowaliśmy staranność wyjątkową. Wszystkie procedury, jakie obowiązywały w NFOŚiGW, zostały zachowane - stwierdza. Zdaniem Kujdy, zastosowanie tak rygorystycznych procedur, które stosuje się tylko w odniesieniu do środków unijnych, to efekt nieprzychylnej dla inwestycji kampanii medialnej. Warto przypomnieć, że wszystkie warunki zostały przez Fundację "Lux Veritatis" spełnione.
W opinii o. Jana Króla CSsR, którą wyraził w "Polskim punkcie widzenia", decyzja Funduszu o unieważnieniu umowy ma charakter polityczny. Przypomniał on wcześniejsze rzucanie kłód pod nogi tej inwestycji, zgodne zresztą z zapowiedziami premiera Donalda Tuska.
Platforma chciała wykorzystać zmianę prowincjała Warszawskiej Prowincji Redemptorystów i już trzeciego dnia po objęciu przez o. Ryszarda Bożka funkcji prowincjała, w niedzielę, przyjechali do Tuchowa prezes i wiceprezes Funduszu. Najwyraźniej liczono na to, że nowy prowincjał nie zdążył się jeszcze zapoznać ze szczegółami inwestycji i będzie można wykorzystać tę sytuację. Plan spalił na panewce - stąd wtorkowe wypowiedzenie umowy. - Jak urząd prowincjała redemptorystów objął o. Ryszard Bożek, otrzymuje on telefon z Warszawy od nowego już pana prezesa NFOŚiGW z prośbą o spotkanie. Oczywiście ojciec jeszcze kilka dni jest wtedy w Tuchowie, trzysta parę kilometrów od Warszawy, i ja dopiero teraz się zastanawiam, jak to się dzieje, że pan prezes i pani wiceprezes jadą tam, te trzysta kilometrów w niedzielę - nie w dniu pracy. Oczywiście ja nie chcę dziś jeszcze mówić o tym, czego dotyczyła rozmowa, myślę, że przyjdzie na to czas - podsumował o. Jan Król.
Jacek Dytkowski
Paliwo ważniejsze niż wojna przeciwko terroryzmowi
W maju 2008 w USA, 70% obywateli uważa, że wzrost kosztów paliwa, jest ważniejszy niż wojna Bush’a przeciwko terroryzmowi, w ramach wojowniczej polityki osi USA-Izrael. Większość Amerykanów popiera dyplomatyczne podejście do Iranu i uważa za nonsens, stałą propagandę wojenną. Obecnie sondaże prestiżowego dwu-miesięcznika Foreign Affairs, z 2go Maja 2008 podkreślają, że w opinii Amerykanów, sprawa dostaw paliwa, jest bardzo ważna dla bezpieczeństwa państwowego.
Permanentni członkowie Rady Bezpieczeństwa plus Niemcy, nazywani „Iran Six” na spotkaniu w Londynie 2go maja, 2008, jako grupa, nie mają najmniejszej ochoty na konfrontację przeciwko Iranowi. Iran obiecywał wkrótce ogłosić własne propozycje, żeby rozwiązać regionalne oraz międzynarodowe problemy dotyczące go, włącznie z programem nuklearnym. Po odparowaniu dotychczasowych ataków osi USA-Izrael i jej starań odizolowania go, obecnie Iran chce za pomocą dyplomacji, być nieodwracalnie uznany za odpowiedzialnego członka międzynarodowej społeczności, zwłaszcza po wygaśnięciu kadencji Bush’a.
W dniu 6go Maja, 2008, Iran czuł się na siłach ogłosić, że zawiesza inspekcje inspektorów ONZ do czasu, kiedy Izrael przystąpi do globalnego traktatu o nie-rozpowszechnianiu broni nuklearnych, według „The Wall Street Journal” z tejże daty. Ponieważ gazeta ta jest dominowana przez neokoserwatystów radykalnych syjonistów, więc na razie wstrzymała się od komentarzy.
Iran chciałby móc sprzedawać gaz ziemny do Unii Europejskiej po cenach konkurencyjnych, czego Moskwa nie chce. Rosja woli zbudować „Rurociąg Pokoju” z Iranu przez Pakistan do Indii i Chin, tak żeby produkcja paliwa z Iranu szła głównie na wschód. Inicjatywy Iranu i konfrontacja Iranu z osią USA-Izraela, powoduje Rosję i Chiny do ostrożności tak, że na razie sprawa przyjęcia Iranu do „wschodniego NATO” w postaci Organizacji Kooperacji w Szanghaju (SCO) jest odłożona na później. Jak wiemy oficjalnymi językami (SCO) są chiński i rosyjski a Iran ma pozycję aplikanta-obserwatora, który usilnie stara się o przyjęcie do tego „wschodniego NATO.”
Rosja nadal prowadzi przetargi w celu odwołania przez USA projektu wyrzutni „Tarczy” w Polsce, o cztery minuty lotu pocisku od Moskwy i ma nadzieję, że następca Bush’a odwoła projekt „Tarczy” i w ten sposób zmniejszy zagrożenie świata konfliktem nuklearnym. Dla Rosji, zbyt bliskie powiązania z Iranem, komplikują stosunki Rosji z USA, tak w sprawie Kosowa jak i w konflikcie na Bliskim Wschodzie. W dodatku odnawiają się napięcia między Rosją i Gruzją popieraną przez NATO przeciwko Rosji.
Prezydent Wladimir Putin zapewnił listownie prezydenta Ahmadinedżad’a o trwałości poparcia Iranu przez Rosję, niezależnie, kto jest przy władzy. Prezydent Ahmadinedżad odpowiedział, że „Iran i Rosja są dwoma dużymi i potężnymi państwami, których kooperacja służy interesom Iranu i Rosji, jak również regionalnemu i międzynarodowemu bezpieczeństwu” oraz mogą one „skutecznie służyć, w ustalaniu nowego modelu, stosunków międzynarodowych.” Właśnie wydano książkę geopolityka histryka Fareed’a Zakaria pod tytułem „The Post-American World” („Postamerykański Świat”).
W czasie, kiedy Iran podpisywał traktat przeciwko rozpowszechnianiu broni nuklearnych, w treści tego traktatu było ustalone, że każde państwo ma prawo do budowania elektrowni nuklearnych, oraz wzbogacania uranu, pod kontrolą inspektorów z ONZ’tu. Obecnie pod presją neokonserwatywnego i pro-izraelskiego rządu Bush’a, pięciu permanentnych członków Rady Bezpieczeństwa plus Niemcy, zmienili warunki traktatu i wymagają żeby Iran nie miał prawa wzbogacania uranu, jak to czynią inne państwa nie należące do „klubu arsenałów nuklearnych.” Naturalnie Iran uważa, że jest ofiarą dyskryminacji.
Brytyjski Minister Spraw Zagranicznych, Dawid Miliband powiedział, że propozycje udzielane Iranowi i ustępstwa mają na celu wtrzymanie programu wzbogacania uranu przez Iran i mają na celu udowodnienie Teheranowi, jakie korzyści mógłby mieć, dzięki kooperacji z „international community,” czyli państwami grupy „Iran Six,” która jednak traci na sile. Wcześniej minister Iranu, Manouczehr Mottami, powiedział Milibamd’owi „dobrze wiesz, jakie słowa są niedozwolone w Iranie.” Faktycznie grupa „Iran Six” starciła tupet.
W Moskwie, Igor Tomberg, z Instytutu Gospodaki Światowej i Stosunków Międzynarodowych, powiedział: „Iran dodał do swego kołczana strzałę energetyczną. Postęp Iranu na światowym rynku gazu ziemnego spowoduje zmiany w obecnej równowadze sił,” zwłaszcza, że Szwajcaria 17go marca popisała kontrakt z Iranem wartości 42 miliardów dolarów, na 25 lat. Uroczyste podpisanie formalnego kontraktu przez Szwajcarię i Iran miało miejsce w Teheranie.
Do tej pory podpisywano z Iranem tylko nie-wiążące memoranda, o wzajemnym porozumieniu. Iran ma dostarczyć Europie 5,5 miliardów metrów sześciennych gazu rocznie począwszy od 2010 roku, za pomocą obecnie budowanego rurociągu. Pani minister Micheline Calmy-Rey, w czasie uroczystej ceremonii w Teheranie powiedziała, że kontrakt ten jest bardzo ważny dla Szwajcarii, ponieważ zmniejsza uzależnienie Europy od dostaw z Rosji.
Reakcja osi USA-Izrael była szybka, według The Financial Limes of London tak, że Szwajcaria będzie prawdopodobnie skarcona i straci przedstawicielstwo interesów USA w Teheranie oraz w Hawanie. Tymczasem kontrakt Szwajcaria-Iran jest witany entuzjastycznie przez Włochy, jako bardzo ważny krok, w kierunku zapewnienia paliwa Europie. Szwajcarja nie skrępowana przez NATO i Unię Europejską, ma więcej swobody ruchów, było by morzeniem wielu Polakó gdyby Polska mogła być podobnie niezależna jak Szwajcaria,
Kontrakt Szwajcarii z Iranem spowodował przyspieszenie pertraktacji Chin z Iranem o kontrakt wartości 16 miliardów dolarów, w Północnym Regionie Pars oraz zakup skraplanego gazu ziemnego u wybrzeży Iranu na następne 25 lat, jak też kontrakt z Iranem na wiercenie szybów w regionie Jadawaran na dwa miliardy dolarów, „ponieważ interpretacja traktatu o nie rozpowszechnianiu broni nuklearnych nie powinna przeszkadzać we współpracy ekonomicznej.”
Indie wzmocniły poparcie dla „rurociągu pokoju” z Iranu przez Pakistan do Indii i Chin. Natomiast współpraca nuklearna Indii z USA popada w stan letargu. Iran ma wiele ofert z zachodu i ze wschodu, wśród których przoduje Gasprom i ma kontrakty na wielkie złoża w południowym Iranie, które reprezentują 60% zasobów Iranu i tym samym 10% znanych zasobów światowych.
Gasprom na kontrakty z Qatarem, trzecim na świecie najbogatszym państwem w gaz ziemny, tak że razem Rosja, Iran i Qatar mają 55% światowych rezerw gazu ziemnego i ich współpraca ma duże znaczenie w energetyce globalnej i dominują Forum Producentów Gazu. Tak, więc paliwo, regulowane umowami międzynarodowymi jest bardziej uzasadnione niż próby rabunku paliwa, pod przykrywką wojny przeciwko terrorowi.
Iwo Cyprian Pogonowski
Born Sept. 3, 1921
Lwów, Poland
in Dec 1939 left Warsaw. Dec 30, 1939 arrested by Ukrainians serving the Gestapo in Dukla, then transferred to Barwinek, Krosno, Jaslo, Tarnów, Oswiecim, arrived in Oranienburg-Sachsenhausen on Aug. 10, 1940.
April 19, 1945 started on the Death March of Brandenburg from Sachsenhausen; escaped gunfire of SS-guards and arrived to Schwerin and freedom on May 2, 1945.
September 1945 arrived in Brussels, Belgium; obtained admission as a regular student at the Catholic University: Institute Superieur de Commerce, St. Ignace in Antwerp.
in 1954 graduated in Civil Engineering at the top of his class. Was invited to join honorary societies: Tau Beta Pi (general engineering honorary society), Phi Kappa Phi (academic honorary society equivalent to Phi Beta Kappa), Pi Mu (mechanical engineering honorary society), and Chi Epsilon (civil engineering honorary society). Taught descriptive geometry at the University of Tennessee;
in 1955 graduated with M.S. degree in Industrial Engineering.
in 1955 started working for Shell Oil Company in New Orleans. After one year of managerial training was assigned to design of marine structures for drilling and production of petroleum.
in 1960 started working for Texaco Research and Development in Houston, Texas as a Project Engineer. Authored total of 50 American and foreign patents on marine structures for the petroleum industry;
wrote an article: The Rise and Fall of the Polish Commonwealth - A Quest for a Representative Government in Central and Eastern Europe in the 14th to 18th Centuries. Started to work on a Tabular History of Poland.
in 1972 moved to Blacksburg, Virginia. During the following years worked as Consulting Engineer for Texaco, also taught in Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University as Adjunct Professor in the College of Civil Engineering teaching courses on marine structures of the petroleum industry. Designed and supervised the construction of a hill top home for his family, also bought 500 acre ranch (near Thomas Jefferson National Forest) where he restored 200 years old mill house on a mountain stream.
in 1978 prepared Polish-English, English-Polish Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. The dictionary included a Tabular History of Poland, Polish Language, People, and Culture as well as Pogonowski's phonetic symbols for phonetic transcriptions in English and Polish at each dictionary entry; the phonetic explanations were illustrated with cross-sections of speech (organs used to pronounce the sounds unfamiliar to the users). It was the first dictionary with phonetic transcription at each Polish entry for use by English speakers
in 1981 prepared Practical Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc.
in 1983 prepared Concise Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. Wrote an analysis of Michael Ch ci ski's Poland, Communism, Nationalism, Anti-Semitism. Also selected crucial quotations from Norman Davies' God's Playground - A History of Poland on the subject of the Polish indigenous democratic process.
in 1985 prepared Polish-English Standard Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. Also prepared a revised and expanded edition of the Concise Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics, also published by Hippocrene Books Inc.
in 1987 prepared Poland: A Historical Atlas on Polish History and Prehistory including 200 maps and graphs as well as Chronology of Poland's Constitutional and Political Development, and the Evolution of Polish Identity - The Milestones. An introductory chapter was entitled Poland the Middle Ground. Aloysius A. Mazewski President of Polish-American Congress wrote an introduction. The Atlas was published by Hippocrene Books Inc. and later by Dorset Press of the Barnes and Noble Co. Inc. which sends some 30 million catalogues to American homes including color reproduction of book covers. Thus, many Americans were exposed to the cover of Pogonowski's Atlas showing the range of borders of Poland during the history - many found out for the firsttime that Poland was an important power in the past. Total of about 30,000 atlases were printed so far.
In 1988 the publication of Poland: A Historical Atlas resulted in a number of invitations extended by several Polonian organizations to Iwo Pogonowski to present Television Programs on Polish History. Pogonowski responded and produced over two year period 220 half-hour video programs in his studio at home (and at his own expense.) These programs formed a serial entitled: Poland, A History of One Thousand Years. Total of over 1000 broadcasts of these programs were transmitted by cable television in Chicago, Detroit-Hamtramck, Cleveland, and Blacksburg.
in 1990-1991 translated from the Russian the Catechism of a Revolutionary of 1869 in which crime has been treated as a normal part of the revolutionary program. Started preparation of the Killing the Best and the Brightest: A Chronology of the USSR-German Attempt to Behead the Polish Nation showing how the USSR became a prototype of modern totalitarian state, how this prototype was adapted in Germany by the Nazis.
in 1991 prepared Polish Phrasebook, Polish Conversations for Americans including picture code for gender and familiarity, published by Hippocrene Books Inc.
in 1991 prepared English Conversations for Poles with Concise Dictionary published by Hippocrene Books Inc. By then a total of over 100,000 Polish-English, English-Polish Dictionaries written by Pogonowski were sold in the United States and abroad.
in 1992 prepared a Dictionary of Polish, Latin, Hebrew, and Yiddish Terms used in Contacts between Poles and Jews. It was prepared for the history of Jews in Poland as well as 115 maps and graphs and 172 illustrations, paintings, drawings, and documents, etc. of Jewish life in Poland. This material was accompanied by proper annotations.
in 1993 prepared Jews in Poland, Rise of the Jews as a Nation from Congressus Judaicus in Poland to the Knesset in Israel, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. in 3000 copies. Foreword was written by Richard Pipes, professor of history at Harvard University, and Pogonowski's school mate in the Keczmar school in Warsaw. Part I included: a Synopsis of 1000 Year History of Jews in Poland; the 1264 Statute of Jewish Liberties in Poland in Latin and English translation; Jewish Autonomy in Poland 1264-1795; German Annihilation of the Jews. In appendixes are documents and illustrations. An Atlas is in the Part III. It is divided as follows: Early Jewish Settlements 966-1264; The Crucial 500 Years, 1264-1795; Competition (between Poles and Jews) Under Foreign Rule, 1795-1918; The Last Blossoming of Jewish Culture in Poland, 1918-1939; German Genocide of the Jews, 1940-1944; Jewish Escape from Europe 1945-1947 - The End of European (Polish) Phase of Jewish History (when most of world's Jewry lived in Europe). Pogonowski began to write a new book starting with the Chronology of the Martyrdom of Polish Intelligentsia during World War II and the Stalinist Terror; the book in preparation was entitled Killing the Best and the Brightest.
in 1995 prepared Dictionary of Polish Business, Legal and Associated Terms for use with the new edition of the Practical Polish-English, English-Polish Dictionary and later to be published as a separate book.
in 1996 Pogonowski's Poland: A Historical Atlas; was translated into Polish; some 130 of the original 200 maps printed in color; the Chronology of Poland was also translated into Polish. The Atlas was published by Wydawnictwo Suszczy ski I Baran in Kraków in 3000 copies; additional publications are expected. Prepared Polish-English, Eglish-Polish Compact Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc.
in 1997 finished preparation of the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics including over 200,000 entries, in three volumes on total of 4000 pages; it is published by Hippocrene Books Inc; the Polish title is: Uniwesalny S ownik Polsko-Angielski. Besides years of work Pogonowski spent over $50,000 on computers, computer services, typing, and proof reading in order to make the 4000 page dictionary camera ready; assisted in the preparation of second edition of Jews in Poland, Rise of the Jews from Congressus Judaicus in Poland to the Knesset in Israel published in fall of 1997. Prepared computer programs for English-Polish Dictionary to serve as a companion to the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary printed by the end of May 1997.
in 1998 Pogonowski organized preparation of CD ROM for the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary, Practical English-Polish Dictionary, Polish Phrasebook for Tourists and Travelers to Poland, all published earlier by Iwo C. Pogonowski. The Phrasebook includes 280 minutes of bilingual audio read by actors. Started preparation for a new edition of Poland: A Historical Atlas. New Appendices are being prepared on such subjects as: Polish contribution to Allied's wartime intelligence: the breaking of the Enigma Codes, Pune Munde rocket production; Poland's contribution to the international law since 1415; Poland's early development of rocket technology such as Polish Rocketry Handbook published in 1650 in which Poles introduced for the first time into the world's literature concepts of multiple warheads, multistage rockets, new controls in rocket flight, etc. Poland's Chronology is being enlarged to reflect the mechanisms of subjugation of Polish people by the Soviet terror apparatus. Continued preparation of the Killing the Best and the Brightest: A Chronology of the USSR-German Attempt to Behead the Polish Nation, including the 1992 revelations from Soviet archives as well as the current research in Poland. Continued preparation of two-volume English Polish Dictionary, a companion to the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary published in 1997. Reviewed Upiorna Dekada by J. T. Gross.
in 1999 Pogonowski continued writing Poland - An Illustrated History and preparing for it 21 maps and diagrams and 89 illustrations.
in 2000 Pogonowski prepared, in a camera ready form, Poland - An Illustrated History; it was published by Hippocrene Books Inc. NY 2000 and recommended by Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski, National Security Advisor under President Carter, as "An important contribution to the better understanding of Polish history, which demonstrates in a vivid fashion the historical vicissitudes of that major European nation."
Friday, May 30, 2008
Thursday, May 29, 2008
German and Jewish claims For compensation from Poland. Must Poland continue to pay for Hitler's war?
German and Jewish claims For compensation from Poland. Must Poland continue to pay for Hitler's war?
Rabin kontra prof. Nowak
Encouraged by Rabbi Israel Singer's, the General Secretary of the World Jewish Congress, statements in 1996 such as " If Poland does not satisfy Jewish claims, it will be publicly attacked and humiliated in the international forum." So it is a plan to deliberately slander Poland's name and manipulate the American public's opinion against Poles. It was permitted to slander Poles now
Poland's geographical location has made it easy for aggressive peoples and countries to invade it and try to make of Poles a countryless nation. These invasions have cost Poland trillions of dollars in damage. Between 1939-1989 Poland was in the grip of two colonial powers: Nazi Germany in the Second World War, and the Soviet Union during and after the war. Poles are proud to have resisted both invasions, and this amply-documented resistance gives them the right to self-esteem and national pride. However, those who value only power are not impressed, especially because Poles have failed to create a discourse in English that would counter so many mendacious or simply ignorant books and opinions circulating in America. Edward Said had a word for it: orientalism, or interpreting a people without including that people's input in the interpretation. We would like to state that while orientalism has somewhat retreated with regard to third world countries, it is alive and well concerning Poland. And we repeat, Poles have not done well in countering orientalism by having their own voices heard and available in languages other than Polish.
The years 1939-1989 cost two generations of Poles dearly. The country's infrastructure, education, health, and life itself suffered in ways that have not been articulated in American scholarship. Now, sixty years after the war ended, the descendants of some of the invaders cast a wistful glance eastward and point out that the invaders have suffered also! As Prime Minister Kaczyski states in the interview, since 1945 consecutive Warsaw governments tacitly consented to any interpretation of what happened in the twentieth century as long as such interpretations brought short-term gains for themselves. The net result is that Poles have been taken unaware by the recent rise in Germany of an unbelievable discourse--directed at Poland--that demands satisfaction for those Germans who lost their property in territories taken away after World War II. No one has heard of Germans suing the Russians in the Strasbourg court, only the Poles. Must Poland continue to pay for Hitler's war? (From The Chesterton Review, Spring/Summer 2007).
Note: The Sarmatian Review is a scholarly journal on the history, culture and society of Central and Eastern Europe, with strong attention to Poland. It is published, in English, in Texas. Information is available on the web.
Editorial Note: Recently, a Jewish group has demanded that Poland pay compensation for the property lost by Polish Jews during the Second World War. Apparently they are counting on the billions of dollars for equalization flowing to Poland from the European Community. This would be a most obscene demand.
Profesor Wolniewicz RM Prawda o Tusku 1/4
Profesor Wolniewicz RM Prawda o Tusku 2/4
Profesor Wolniewicz RM Prawda o Tusku 3/4
Profesor Wolniewicz RM Prawda o Tusku 4/4
Jerzy Robert Nowak Roszczenia zydowskie Trwam 24.02.200
ZBRODNIE KOMUNISTÓW- "Gen. August Emil Fieldorf 'Nil' " 1/2
ZBRODNIE KOMUNISTÓW- "Gen. August Emil Fieldorf 'Nil' " 2/2
Rabin kontra prof. Nowak
Encouraged by Rabbi Israel Singer's, the General Secretary of the World Jewish Congress, statements in 1996 such as " If Poland does not satisfy Jewish claims, it will be publicly attacked and humiliated in the international forum." So it is a plan to deliberately slander Poland's name and manipulate the American public's opinion against Poles. It was permitted to slander Poles now
Poland's geographical location has made it easy for aggressive peoples and countries to invade it and try to make of Poles a countryless nation. These invasions have cost Poland trillions of dollars in damage. Between 1939-1989 Poland was in the grip of two colonial powers: Nazi Germany in the Second World War, and the Soviet Union during and after the war. Poles are proud to have resisted both invasions, and this amply-documented resistance gives them the right to self-esteem and national pride. However, those who value only power are not impressed, especially because Poles have failed to create a discourse in English that would counter so many mendacious or simply ignorant books and opinions circulating in America. Edward Said had a word for it: orientalism, or interpreting a people without including that people's input in the interpretation. We would like to state that while orientalism has somewhat retreated with regard to third world countries, it is alive and well concerning Poland. And we repeat, Poles have not done well in countering orientalism by having their own voices heard and available in languages other than Polish.
The years 1939-1989 cost two generations of Poles dearly. The country's infrastructure, education, health, and life itself suffered in ways that have not been articulated in American scholarship. Now, sixty years after the war ended, the descendants of some of the invaders cast a wistful glance eastward and point out that the invaders have suffered also! As Prime Minister Kaczyski states in the interview, since 1945 consecutive Warsaw governments tacitly consented to any interpretation of what happened in the twentieth century as long as such interpretations brought short-term gains for themselves. The net result is that Poles have been taken unaware by the recent rise in Germany of an unbelievable discourse--directed at Poland--that demands satisfaction for those Germans who lost their property in territories taken away after World War II. No one has heard of Germans suing the Russians in the Strasbourg court, only the Poles. Must Poland continue to pay for Hitler's war? (From The Chesterton Review, Spring/Summer 2007).
Note: The Sarmatian Review is a scholarly journal on the history, culture and society of Central and Eastern Europe, with strong attention to Poland. It is published, in English, in Texas. Information is available on the web.
Editorial Note: Recently, a Jewish group has demanded that Poland pay compensation for the property lost by Polish Jews during the Second World War. Apparently they are counting on the billions of dollars for equalization flowing to Poland from the European Community. This would be a most obscene demand.
Profesor Wolniewicz RM Prawda o Tusku 1/4
Profesor Wolniewicz RM Prawda o Tusku 2/4
Profesor Wolniewicz RM Prawda o Tusku 3/4
Profesor Wolniewicz RM Prawda o Tusku 4/4
Jerzy Robert Nowak Roszczenia zydowskie Trwam 24.02.200
ZBRODNIE KOMUNISTÓW- "Gen. August Emil Fieldorf 'Nil' " 1/2
ZBRODNIE KOMUNISTÓW- "Gen. August Emil Fieldorf 'Nil' " 2/2
Wednesday, May 28, 2008
Publikacje IPN-u na temat Lecha Wałęsy prof. Andrzej Zybertowicz
Publikacje IPN-u na temat Lecha Wałęsy prof. Andrzej Zybertowicz
Publikacje IPN-u na temat Lecha Wałęsy
prof. Andrzej Zybertowicz (2008-05-27)
Aktualności dnia
słuchajzapisz
Fragment filmu "Słowa Prawdy"
Nocna Zmiana 1/7
Nocna Zmiana 2/7
Nocna Zmiana 3/7
Nocna Zmiana 4/7
Nocna Zmiana 5/7
Nocna Zmiana 6/7
Nocna Zmiana 7/7
Publikacje IPN-u na temat Lecha Wałęsy
prof. Andrzej Zybertowicz (2008-05-27)
Aktualności dnia
słuchajzapisz
Fragment filmu "Słowa Prawdy"
Nocna Zmiana 1/7
Nocna Zmiana 2/7
Nocna Zmiana 3/7
Nocna Zmiana 4/7
Nocna Zmiana 5/7
Nocna Zmiana 6/7
Nocna Zmiana 7/7
Tuesday, May 27, 2008
Niechaj Zoska do Ojczyzny Wroci Marek Grechuta to kazdy kwiatek wiersze zanuci
Niechaj Zoska do Ojczyzny Wroci Marek Grechuta to kazdy kwiatek wiersze zanuci
Niechaj Zoska do Ojczyzny Wroci Marek Grechuta to kazdy kwiatek wiersze zanuci
Niechaj Zoska do Ojczyzny Wroci Marek Grechuta to kazdy kwiatek wiersze zanuci
Marek Grechuta - Ojczyzna Poland our Country Zydzi i Israel powinni byc Polskimi Patryjotami a nie Targowica
Marek Grechuta - Ojczyzna Poland our Country Zydzi i Israel powinni byc Polskimi Patryjotami a nie Targowica
Historia swa
Historia swa
Polish Army 1939 Wizna Polish Thermopylae 40 to 1 Piosenka szwedzkiego zespołu Sabaton z najnowszego albumu The Art of War
Polish Army 1939 Wizna Polish Thermopylae 40 to 1 Piosenka szwedzkiego zespołu Sabaton z najnowszego albumu The Art of War
Polish Army 1939 Wizna Polish Thermopylae Piosenka szwedzkiego zespołu Sabaton z najnowszego albumu The Art of War
Eve of the Battle
Before the war the area of the village of Wizna was prepared as a fortified line of defence. It was to shield the Polish positions further to the south and guard the crossing of Narew and Biebrza rivers. The 9 kilometres long line of Polish defences was subordinate to the Polish Narew Corps shielding Łomża and providing defence of northern approach to Warsaw. The Wizna fortified area was one of the most important nodes in the area, providing cover of both the river crossings, and the roads Łomża-Białystok and roads towards Brześć Litewski on the rear of Polish forces.
The first construction works were started in April 1939. The spot was chosen carefully: most of the concrete bunkers were built on hills overlooking a swampy Narew River valley. They could be reached either through direct assault through the swamps or by attack along the causeway leading from the bridge in Wizna. Until September 1, 1939, 12 bunkers were built altogether. Six of them were heavy concrete bunkers with reinforced steel cupolas (8 tons of weight) while the other six were machine gun pillboxes. Additional four heavy bunkers were under construction at the moment the World War II started. In addition, the area was reinforced with trenches, anti-tank and anti-personnel obstacles, barbed wire lines and landmines. There were also plans of breaking the dams on the Biebrza and Narew rivers to flood the area, but the Summer of 1939 was one of the most dry seasons in Polish history and the level of water was too low.
Although not all bunkers were ready by the beginning of the war, the Polish lines of defences were well-prepared. The walls of an average bunker, 1.5 metres thick and reinforced with 20-centimetre-thick steel plates, could withstand a direct hit from even the heaviest guns available to the Wehrmacht at the time. The bunkers were situated on hills which gave good visibility of all the advancing forces.
[edit] First phase
On September 1, 1939, the Polish Defensive War of 1939 started. The German 3rd Army was to advance from East Prussia towards Warsaw, directly through the positions of Polish Narew Corps. On September 2 Captain Władysław Raginis was named the commander of the Wizna area. As his command post he chose the "GG-126" bunker near the village of Góra Strękowa. The bunker was located on a hill in the exact centre of the Polish lines. His forces numbered approximately 700 soldiers and NCOs and 20 officers armed with 6 pieces of artillery (76mm), 24 HMGs, 18 machine guns and two Kb ppanc wz.35 anti-tank carbines.
After initial clashes at the border, the Podlaska Cavalry Brigade operating in the area was forced to withdraw and on September 5 left the area. On September 3 Polish positions were spotted from the air and strafed with machine gun fire from enemy fighters. Later that day one of the German bombers returning from a bombing raid over Warsaw was shot down by machine gun fire.
On September 7, 1939, the reconnaissance units of the 10th Panzer Division of general Nicolaus von Falkenhorst captured the village of Wizna. Polish mounted reconnaissance squads abandoned the village after a short fight and retreated to the southern bank of Narew. When the German tanks tried to cross the bridge, it was blown up by Polish engineers. After dark, patrols of German infantry crossed the river and advanced towards Giełczyn, but were repelled with heavy casualties.
On September 8 general Heinz Guderian, commander of the XIX Panzer Corps, was ordered to advance through Wizna towards Brześć. By early morning of September 9 his units reached the Wizna area and were joined with 10th Panzer Division and "Lötzen" Brigade already present in the area. His forces numbered some 1 200 officers and 41 000 soldiers and NCOs, equipped with over 350 tanks, 108 howitzers, 58 pieces of artillery, 195 anti-tank guns, 108 mortars, 188 grenade launchers, 288 heavy machine guns and 689 machine guns. Altogether, his forces were some 40 times stronger than the Polish defenders.
Second Phase
In the early morning German planes dropped leaflets asking the Poles to give up and claiming that most of Poland is already in German hands and further resistance is futile. In order to strengthen the morale of his troops, Władysław Raginis swore that he will not leave his post alive and that the defence will continue. Soon after that an artillery barrage started. Polish artillery was several times weaker and soon was forced to retreat towards Białystok. After the preparations, the Germans attacked the northern flank of the Polish forces. Two platoons defending several bunkers located to the north of Narew were attacked from three sides by German tanks and infantry. Initially the losses among German infantry were high, but after heavy artillery fire commander of the Giełczyn area First Lieutenant Kiewlicz was ordered to burn the wooden bridge over Narew and withdraw to Białystok. The remnants of his forces broke through German encirclement and reached Białystok, where they joined the forces of general Franciszek Kleeberg.
At the same time an assault on the southern part of Polish fortifications came to a stalemate. Polish bunkers were lacking adequate anti-tank armament, but were able to rain the German infantry with machine gun fire. However, at 6 o'clock in the evening the infantry was forced to abandon the trenches and field fortifications and retreat into the bunkers. The German tanks could finally cross the Polish lines and advance towards Tykocin and Zambrów. However, the German infantry was still under heavy fire and was pinned down in the swampy fields in front of Polish bunkers.
Although Raginis was subordinate to Lt.Col. Tadeusz Tabaczyński, commander of the Osowiec fortified area located some 30 kilometres to the north, he could not expect any reinforcements. On September 8 Marshal of Poland Edward Śmigły-Rydz ordered the 135th Infantry Regiment that constituted the reserves of both Osowiec and Wizna, to be withdrawn to Warsaw. When the order was withdrawn and the unit returned to Osowiec, it was already too late to help the isolated Poles at Wizna.
Heavy fights for each of the—now isolated—bunkers continued. Several assaults were repelled during the night and in the early morning of September 10. At approximately 12 o'clock the German engineers with the help of tanks and artillery finally managed to destroy all but two Polish bunkers. Both of them were located in the centre of Góra Strękowa and continued the defence despite having much of the crew wounded or incapacitated and most of the machine guns destroyed. It is alleged that Heinz Guderian, in an attempt to end the Polish resistance, threatened the Polish commander that he would shoot the POWs if the remaining forces did not surrender. (No captives were shot.) Captain Władysław Raginis then ordered his men to abandon the bunker and committed suicide by throwing himself on a grenade.
After the Battle
After the Polish resistance ended, the XIX Panzer Corps advanced towards Zambrów and Wysokie Mazowieckie finally encircling and destroying the Polish Narew Corps. Later it advanced further southwards and took part in the Battle of Brześć.
Although all the bunkers were destroyed and the Polish resistance was finally broken, the fortified area of Wizna managed to halt the German advance for three days. The heroic struggle against overwhelming odds is nowadays one of the symbols of the Polish Defensive War of 1939 and is a part of Polish popular culture.
Polska moja ojczyzna
Polish Army 1939 Wizna Polish Thermopylae Piosenka szwedzkiego zespołu Sabaton z najnowszego albumu The Art of War
Eve of the Battle
Before the war the area of the village of Wizna was prepared as a fortified line of defence. It was to shield the Polish positions further to the south and guard the crossing of Narew and Biebrza rivers. The 9 kilometres long line of Polish defences was subordinate to the Polish Narew Corps shielding Łomża and providing defence of northern approach to Warsaw. The Wizna fortified area was one of the most important nodes in the area, providing cover of both the river crossings, and the roads Łomża-Białystok and roads towards Brześć Litewski on the rear of Polish forces.
The first construction works were started in April 1939. The spot was chosen carefully: most of the concrete bunkers were built on hills overlooking a swampy Narew River valley. They could be reached either through direct assault through the swamps or by attack along the causeway leading from the bridge in Wizna. Until September 1, 1939, 12 bunkers were built altogether. Six of them were heavy concrete bunkers with reinforced steel cupolas (8 tons of weight) while the other six were machine gun pillboxes. Additional four heavy bunkers were under construction at the moment the World War II started. In addition, the area was reinforced with trenches, anti-tank and anti-personnel obstacles, barbed wire lines and landmines. There were also plans of breaking the dams on the Biebrza and Narew rivers to flood the area, but the Summer of 1939 was one of the most dry seasons in Polish history and the level of water was too low.
Although not all bunkers were ready by the beginning of the war, the Polish lines of defences were well-prepared. The walls of an average bunker, 1.5 metres thick and reinforced with 20-centimetre-thick steel plates, could withstand a direct hit from even the heaviest guns available to the Wehrmacht at the time. The bunkers were situated on hills which gave good visibility of all the advancing forces.
[edit] First phase
On September 1, 1939, the Polish Defensive War of 1939 started. The German 3rd Army was to advance from East Prussia towards Warsaw, directly through the positions of Polish Narew Corps. On September 2 Captain Władysław Raginis was named the commander of the Wizna area. As his command post he chose the "GG-126" bunker near the village of Góra Strękowa. The bunker was located on a hill in the exact centre of the Polish lines. His forces numbered approximately 700 soldiers and NCOs and 20 officers armed with 6 pieces of artillery (76mm), 24 HMGs, 18 machine guns and two Kb ppanc wz.35 anti-tank carbines.
After initial clashes at the border, the Podlaska Cavalry Brigade operating in the area was forced to withdraw and on September 5 left the area. On September 3 Polish positions were spotted from the air and strafed with machine gun fire from enemy fighters. Later that day one of the German bombers returning from a bombing raid over Warsaw was shot down by machine gun fire.
On September 7, 1939, the reconnaissance units of the 10th Panzer Division of general Nicolaus von Falkenhorst captured the village of Wizna. Polish mounted reconnaissance squads abandoned the village after a short fight and retreated to the southern bank of Narew. When the German tanks tried to cross the bridge, it was blown up by Polish engineers. After dark, patrols of German infantry crossed the river and advanced towards Giełczyn, but were repelled with heavy casualties.
On September 8 general Heinz Guderian, commander of the XIX Panzer Corps, was ordered to advance through Wizna towards Brześć. By early morning of September 9 his units reached the Wizna area and were joined with 10th Panzer Division and "Lötzen" Brigade already present in the area. His forces numbered some 1 200 officers and 41 000 soldiers and NCOs, equipped with over 350 tanks, 108 howitzers, 58 pieces of artillery, 195 anti-tank guns, 108 mortars, 188 grenade launchers, 288 heavy machine guns and 689 machine guns. Altogether, his forces were some 40 times stronger than the Polish defenders.
Second Phase
In the early morning German planes dropped leaflets asking the Poles to give up and claiming that most of Poland is already in German hands and further resistance is futile. In order to strengthen the morale of his troops, Władysław Raginis swore that he will not leave his post alive and that the defence will continue. Soon after that an artillery barrage started. Polish artillery was several times weaker and soon was forced to retreat towards Białystok. After the preparations, the Germans attacked the northern flank of the Polish forces. Two platoons defending several bunkers located to the north of Narew were attacked from three sides by German tanks and infantry. Initially the losses among German infantry were high, but after heavy artillery fire commander of the Giełczyn area First Lieutenant Kiewlicz was ordered to burn the wooden bridge over Narew and withdraw to Białystok. The remnants of his forces broke through German encirclement and reached Białystok, where they joined the forces of general Franciszek Kleeberg.
At the same time an assault on the southern part of Polish fortifications came to a stalemate. Polish bunkers were lacking adequate anti-tank armament, but were able to rain the German infantry with machine gun fire. However, at 6 o'clock in the evening the infantry was forced to abandon the trenches and field fortifications and retreat into the bunkers. The German tanks could finally cross the Polish lines and advance towards Tykocin and Zambrów. However, the German infantry was still under heavy fire and was pinned down in the swampy fields in front of Polish bunkers.
Although Raginis was subordinate to Lt.Col. Tadeusz Tabaczyński, commander of the Osowiec fortified area located some 30 kilometres to the north, he could not expect any reinforcements. On September 8 Marshal of Poland Edward Śmigły-Rydz ordered the 135th Infantry Regiment that constituted the reserves of both Osowiec and Wizna, to be withdrawn to Warsaw. When the order was withdrawn and the unit returned to Osowiec, it was already too late to help the isolated Poles at Wizna.
Heavy fights for each of the—now isolated—bunkers continued. Several assaults were repelled during the night and in the early morning of September 10. At approximately 12 o'clock the German engineers with the help of tanks and artillery finally managed to destroy all but two Polish bunkers. Both of them were located in the centre of Góra Strękowa and continued the defence despite having much of the crew wounded or incapacitated and most of the machine guns destroyed. It is alleged that Heinz Guderian, in an attempt to end the Polish resistance, threatened the Polish commander that he would shoot the POWs if the remaining forces did not surrender. (No captives were shot.) Captain Władysław Raginis then ordered his men to abandon the bunker and committed suicide by throwing himself on a grenade.
After the Battle
After the Polish resistance ended, the XIX Panzer Corps advanced towards Zambrów and Wysokie Mazowieckie finally encircling and destroying the Polish Narew Corps. Later it advanced further southwards and took part in the Battle of Brześć.
Although all the bunkers were destroyed and the Polish resistance was finally broken, the fortified area of Wizna managed to halt the German advance for three days. The heroic struggle against overwhelming odds is nowadays one of the symbols of the Polish Defensive War of 1939 and is a part of Polish popular culture.
Polska moja ojczyzna
Monday, May 26, 2008
Republicans start swinging McCain. His fear mongering over Iran and his truly worrying
Republicans start swinging McCain. His fear mongering over Iran and his truly worrying
By ERIC MARGOLIS
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The Republican attack machine went after Democratic presidential front-runner Barack Obama last week, and it was not a pretty sight.
After Obama sensibly proposed direct negotiations with Iran, Venezuela and Cuba, and described any potential danger from Iran as "tiny," Republican candidate John McCain accused him of being reckless and inexperienced.
"The threat the government of Iran poses is anything but tiny," thundered McCain -- the same "experienced" McCain who mistakenly claimed Iran was supporting Sunni fighters in Iraq.
President George W. Bush echoed McCain's accusations during a speech to Israel's Knesset last week, an oration so fulsome and simplistic, many worldly Israeli legislators were left looking embarrassed.
Bush insinuated Obama was a dangerous pre-Second World War type "appeaser" for daring suggest talking to Iran. Neocons blasted Obama as unpatriotic for not wearing an American flag pin and hinted he was a closet Muslim. Obama was so flummoxed by these violent attacks, he foolishly flip-flopped and agreed Iran was indeed a grave threat.
All this came as the danger of a U.S./Israeli attack on Iran to preserve Israel's Mideast nuclear monopoly was growing. Israel's PM Ehud Olmert called for a U.S. naval blockade of Iran, an open act of war.
GOERING
If the Second World War must be dredged up, a more appropriate reference would be Nazi Hermann Goering's famous formula for fascism: "All you have to do is to tell them (the people) they are being attacked and denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It works the same in any country."
McCain is an able, savvy domestic politician, but his absurd claims about Iran bring into question his understanding of foreign policy.
Iran has no long-range missiles, nuclear weapons or bombers. Its decrepit air force barely flies. Iran's so-called navy is a lightly armed coast guard.
Its ground forces are immobile and lack all forms of modern weapons. Tehran's defence budget is the size of Poland's or Norway's, and 100 times smaller than U.S. military spending.
It's the great Iraq scare all over. Republicans again are playing to the least-educated Americans by frightening them with fairy tales and outright lies. Iranian mad mullahs determined to shower A-bombs on Memphis and Dubuque have replaced Saddam and his Drones of Death. Should the U.S. talk to enemies? Of course. Diplomacy is one of three primary tools of statecraft along with military and economic power. Only arrant fools do not make use of it.
Just because the Bush administration largely relied on military power in foreign policy does not mean this Soviet-style approach need continue.
To whom does one negotiate if not with one's enemies and rivals? Besides, war is waged to attain diplomatic objectives, not win military victories. The greatest threat to world peace is not pipsqueaks such as Iran, Cuba or, even more laughably, Venezuela. It is the breakdown of normal diplomatic relations.
As Democrats rightly noted, the U.S. fruitfully negotiated with the Soviet Union and China when both powers threatened America with nuclear destruction.
The Bush administration has been making progress in nuclear talks with "pariah" North Korea.
SENSIBLE NATIONS
All sensible nations talk, either through normal or back door channels. Israel kept in touch with Iran after its revolution, secretly sold Tehran $5 billion of arms, and still maintains links today. Israel also has discreet links to Hamas and Hezbollah through third parties such as Egypt. Israel and old foe Syria just announced talks.
McCain should be reminded that hysteria is not a viable foreign policy, even if it is election silly season.
He is wrong to keep promoting the image of America as a spinster atop a chair, screaming in fear of a Muslim mouse called Iran. This is unworthy of the great United States.
If anyone is being reckless and inexperienced in foreign affairs, so far it's McCain. His fear mongering
By ERIC MARGOLIS
Facebook Digg Del.icio.us Google Stumble Upon Furl Newsvine Reddit Technorati Blinklist Feed Me Yahoo Socializer Ma.gnolia Raw Sugar Simpy Squidoo Spurl Blink Bits Rojo Blogmarks Shadows Netvouz Scuttle Co.mments Bloglines Tailrank Sitejot + Help
The Republican attack machine went after Democratic presidential front-runner Barack Obama last week, and it was not a pretty sight.
After Obama sensibly proposed direct negotiations with Iran, Venezuela and Cuba, and described any potential danger from Iran as "tiny," Republican candidate John McCain accused him of being reckless and inexperienced.
"The threat the government of Iran poses is anything but tiny," thundered McCain -- the same "experienced" McCain who mistakenly claimed Iran was supporting Sunni fighters in Iraq.
President George W. Bush echoed McCain's accusations during a speech to Israel's Knesset last week, an oration so fulsome and simplistic, many worldly Israeli legislators were left looking embarrassed.
Bush insinuated Obama was a dangerous pre-Second World War type "appeaser" for daring suggest talking to Iran. Neocons blasted Obama as unpatriotic for not wearing an American flag pin and hinted he was a closet Muslim. Obama was so flummoxed by these violent attacks, he foolishly flip-flopped and agreed Iran was indeed a grave threat.
All this came as the danger of a U.S./Israeli attack on Iran to preserve Israel's Mideast nuclear monopoly was growing. Israel's PM Ehud Olmert called for a U.S. naval blockade of Iran, an open act of war.
GOERING
If the Second World War must be dredged up, a more appropriate reference would be Nazi Hermann Goering's famous formula for fascism: "All you have to do is to tell them (the people) they are being attacked and denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It works the same in any country."
McCain is an able, savvy domestic politician, but his absurd claims about Iran bring into question his understanding of foreign policy.
Iran has no long-range missiles, nuclear weapons or bombers. Its decrepit air force barely flies. Iran's so-called navy is a lightly armed coast guard.
Its ground forces are immobile and lack all forms of modern weapons. Tehran's defence budget is the size of Poland's or Norway's, and 100 times smaller than U.S. military spending.
It's the great Iraq scare all over. Republicans again are playing to the least-educated Americans by frightening them with fairy tales and outright lies. Iranian mad mullahs determined to shower A-bombs on Memphis and Dubuque have replaced Saddam and his Drones of Death. Should the U.S. talk to enemies? Of course. Diplomacy is one of three primary tools of statecraft along with military and economic power. Only arrant fools do not make use of it.
Just because the Bush administration largely relied on military power in foreign policy does not mean this Soviet-style approach need continue.
To whom does one negotiate if not with one's enemies and rivals? Besides, war is waged to attain diplomatic objectives, not win military victories. The greatest threat to world peace is not pipsqueaks such as Iran, Cuba or, even more laughably, Venezuela. It is the breakdown of normal diplomatic relations.
As Democrats rightly noted, the U.S. fruitfully negotiated with the Soviet Union and China when both powers threatened America with nuclear destruction.
The Bush administration has been making progress in nuclear talks with "pariah" North Korea.
SENSIBLE NATIONS
All sensible nations talk, either through normal or back door channels. Israel kept in touch with Iran after its revolution, secretly sold Tehran $5 billion of arms, and still maintains links today. Israel also has discreet links to Hamas and Hezbollah through third parties such as Egypt. Israel and old foe Syria just announced talks.
McCain should be reminded that hysteria is not a viable foreign policy, even if it is election silly season.
He is wrong to keep promoting the image of America as a spinster atop a chair, screaming in fear of a Muslim mouse called Iran. This is unworthy of the great United States.
If anyone is being reckless and inexperienced in foreign affairs, so far it's McCain. His fear mongering
Sunday, May 25, 2008
Polish contribution to the Allied victory in World War 2 (1939-1945)
Polish contribution to the Allied victory in World War 2 (1939-1945)
Poland was the only country to fight in the European theatre of war from the first to the last day of the greatest armed conflict in the history of mankind. The war began with invading Poland: first, on September 1st, 1939, by the Nazi Germany, soon after, on September 17th, by the Soviet Union. Both invaders acted in concert, upon the Ribbentrop - Molotov Treaty (concluded on August 23rd). The allies of Poland - Great Britain and France - declared war upon Germany on September 3rd, but did not undertake any efficient military actions (the so-called "Phony War"). The Soviet Union joined the anti-Nazi alliance only in the summer of 1941, when invaded by Germany. The United States, although they gave a lot of significant material aid, joined the military actions within the frames of the coalition in December 1941 when assaulted by Japan and when Germany declared war upon them.
In the Polish contribution to the defeat of Germany in the first place we notice determination and perseverance: despite the severe defeat in 1939, the Poles formed armies five more times, including four outside of their country: in France in 1939, in the United Kingdom in the summer of 1940 (after the defeat and capitulation of France), in the USSR in 1941 (the army of Gen. Anders that fought later in the South of Europe), and then again in the Soviet Union in 1943 there emerged the one that later fought at the Red Army's side. The fifth Polish army, created at the end of September of 1939 was the conspiratorial armed force in the occupied territory. For the entire period of the war there also existed the very important "silent front" - the intelligence. Probably up to 2 millions Poles served since September 1st, 1939 to May 8th, 1945 in all the Polish military formations - regular armies, partisan troops and underground forces. In the final stage of war the Polish troops on all the European fronts amounted to some 600 thousands soldiers (infantry, armored troops, aircraft and navy), and in the summer of 1944 while entering the open fight with the retreating Germans, the armed underground numbered more than 300 thousands sworn soldiers. It can be concluded that Poland put in the field the fourth greatest Allied army.
Basic bibliography:
Józef Garliński, Poland in the Second World War, 1939-1945, London 1985
ed. Edward Pawłowski, Wojsko Polskie w II Wojnie Światowej, Warszawa 1995.
The 1939 Campaign
At the outbreak of the war, Polish army was able to put in the field almost one million soldiers, 2800 guns, 500 tanks and 400 aircraft. On the September 1st, the German forces set to war against Poland amounted to more than 1.5 million solders, 9000 guns, 2500 tanks and almost 2000 aircraft. The Red Army began the invasion sending in the first lot more than 620 000 soldiers, 4700 tanks and 3200 aircraft. Despite the overwhelming odds and the necessity of defense against the offensive in all directions, the Polish army fought for 35 days. Warsaw held until September 28th, the Polish garrison of Hel Peninsula for more than a month. The last battle against German troops took place on October 5th.
Polish losses in combat against Germans (killed and missing in action) amounted to ca. 70 000. 420 000 were taken prisoners. Losses against the Red Army added up to 6000 to 7000 of casualties and MIA, 250 000 were taken prisoners. Of these, almost all of the officers were murdered in the spring on 1940 in Katyn, Kharkiv and Tver upon Stalin's decision. Although the Polish army - considering the inactivity of the Allies - was in an unfavorable position - it managed to inflict serious losses to the enemies: 14 000 German soldiers were killed or MIA, 674 tanks and 319 armored vehicles destroyed or badly damaged, 230 aircraft shot down; the Red Army lost (killed and MIA) about 2500 soldiers, 150 combat vehicles and 20 aircraft. For many weeks Poland contained significant German forces, no advantage of this was taken by the Allies. Besides that, the necessity to reinforce the destroyed in Poland German military forces gave France and Great Britain more time to prepare to repulse invasion.
Basic bibliography:
Paweł Wieczorkiewicz, Kampania 1939 roku, Warszawa 2001;
Steven J. Zaloga, Poland 1939. The Birth of Blitzkrieg, London 2002;
Alexander B. Rossion, Hitler Strikes Poland. Blitzkrieg, Ideology, and Atrocity, Kansas 2003.
The underground army home
Home Army
In the night from September 26th to 27th, 1939, a day before Warsaw's capitulation, General Michał Karaszewicz-Tokarzewski received from the Commander-in-Chief of the Polish army (at the time interned in Romania) an order to create a military conspiracy. Over a few weeks he summoned up a group of officers who avoided captivity and from the scratch they built the most powerful underground army in the occupied Europe. The first name of it was Służba Zwycięstwu Polski (SZP - Polish Victory Service), later Związek Walki Zbrojnej (ZWZ - Union for Armed Struggle), and from February 1942 - Armia Krajowa (AK - Home Army). This resistance is widely known under this last name. The actual creator of the Home Army was Gen. Stefan Rowecki (also known as "Grot") who was the chief of staff first, and from June 1940 to June 1943 - the Commanding Officer. After his seizure by Gestapo, this post was taken by Gen. Tadeusz Komorowski (aka Bór). The Home Army, being a voluntary force, in the same time was both a part of Polskie Siły Zbrojne (PSZ - or PAF - Polish Armed Forces) whose high command was located in exile, and the most important element of the Polish Underground State. The main goal of the AK was preparation and conducting the national uprising in case of advancing frontlines or general collapse of the German armed forces. There were created suitable structures - staff, high commands of arms and services, territorial commands (regions, and on lower level - districts), weapons were collected, officers and soldiers trained, information about enemy gathered. However, because of the atrocious nature of the German occupation, public feelings and attitude, it was necessary to undertake daily struggle. Therefore the AK activities consisted of two strictly connected to each other parts: 1. the daily conspiratorial struggle, 2. the national uprising (during which the Home Army was supposed to recreate the full structure of armed forces).
Parallel to the official army there emerged military units of political parties, conspiracies based upon social organizations (e.g. upon the Fire Brigades emerged Skała, or "the Rock") and youth associations (e.g. Szare Szeregi, or "the Grey Ranks", based upon the Związek Harcerstwa Polskiego, or the "Polish Scouting Association"). They emerged thanks to the sabotage groups prepared by the General Staff before the war's outbreak. One of the tasks of the AK Commanding Officer was uniting them into one force. This took quite a lot of time. Eventually, only a part of radical nationalists (NSZ - Narodowe Siły Zbrojne - National Armed Forces) and, emerging up from the summer 1942 - military units of communist party remained out of the AK structures. In the spring of 1944, when the process of unification was ended, the Home Army numbered more than 300 thousand sworn soldiers.
Apart from the staff and territorial structures there existed special units dealing among others with subversion and sabotage. In April 1940 the Związek Odwetu emerged (ZO - Retaliation Union), later transformed into the Kierownictwo Dywersji (Kedyw - Subversion Command) which acted on central level and in each region. In September 1941, because of the change in the Polish-Soviet relations the organization "Wachlarz" (or the "Fan") was created. It dealt with intelligence and sabotage closely behind the German-Soviet frontlines. From January 1st 1941 to June 30th, 1944 within the frames of daily struggle the AK and subordinate units ditched among others 732 trains, set fire to 443 transports, destroyed about 4300 vehicles, burnt 130 magazines of weapons and equipments, damaged 19 000 train carriages and 6900 engines, set fire to 1200 gasoline tanks, blew up 40 railway bridges, destroyed 5 oil shafts, froze 3 blast-furnaces, conducted about 25 sabotage acts in war factories, 5700 attempts on officers of different police formations, soldiers and volksdeutschs (Polish citizens of German origin that volunteered to quisle with Germans), set free prisoners of 16 prisons. The partisan troops - active from 1943 - fought more than 170 combats, killing more than 1000 Germans. At the beginning of 1944 there were about 60 active AK partisan troops (some numbered up to a few hundred soldiers) and about 200 sabotage squads. The AK organized a few conspiratorial groups in some of the concentration camp (e.g. in Auschwitz) and among Poles sent to Germany for slave work. The runaway allied prisoners of war were also helped. A contact by radio and couriers with the Polish government in exile and the Commander-in-Chief staff was also maintained. There functioned permanent transfer bases (the most important one in Budapest) and courier routes (e.g. to Sweden). Since February 1942 began to arrive the trained in England Polish sabotage and intelligence officers (the so called "cichociemni" - literally the "silent and dark ones"). In total 316 of them were parachuted in Poland. There also was a subversion propaganda action going on, addressed to German soldiers (the so called Action "N"). The AK conducted some large publishing activities: there were about 250 newspapers edited, including the largest resistance title - "Biuletyn Informacyjny" (Information Bulletin), which was published from November 5th, 1939 up to January, 1945. Besides the "Biuletyn" there were also issued military books of rules, handbooks and manuals for the cadets of the underground military schools (some 8600 soldiers graduated from them). As it can be seen, there were many various activities going on. Their own contribution to fight against the occupation regime paid Żydowska Organizacja Bojowa (ŻOB - Jewish Fighting Organization) and the supported directly by the AK Żydowski Związek Wojskowy (ŻZW - Jewish Military Union) - mainly in the form of the heroic and desperate Warsaw Ghetto Uprising (April 19th - May 16th 1943).
To the most spectacular actions of the Home Army belong: paralyzing the railway junction in Warsaw (night from October 7th to 8th , 1942), recapturing the prisoners in Pińsk (January 18th, 1943), bomb assault in a city railway station in Berlin (February 15th, 1943), recapturing the prisoners in downtown Warsaw (the so-called Arsenal action, March 26th, 1943), assassination of Franz Kutschera, the SS and Police Commander for the District of Warsaw (February 1st, 1994).
It is estimated that until July, 1944 about 34 thousand soldiers of the Home Army and subordinate units were killed- some in combat but mostly they were executed or tortured to death in prisons - more or less 10% of the ranks. Among the "cichociemni" the losses added up to 1/3 of the ranks.
The Underground State
It was possible to build up the conspiratorial army to such a great size and manage for it to be so active only because it was closely connected with the Polskie Państwo Podziemne (PPP - the Polish Underground State) and civil resistance. The PPP was a unique phenomenon: in none of the European states there existed such a vast and differentiated structure. Besides the AK the main component of the PPP was Delegatura Rządu na Kraj (Government Delegate's Office at Home) which created a network of underground administration of all levels. The Kierownictwo Walki Cywilnej (Civil Fighting Executive) coordinated the activities of the so-called "little sabotage", undertook propaganda actions and activities aiming at maintaining the morale and spirit of resistance against Germany. A daily set of news was prepared for the Polish radio "Świt" (or the"Dawn") which broadcast from England but pretended to exist in Poland. The Kierownictwo also conducted secret education (including university level), helped the families of the victims of the invader and ran a separate action aiding the Jews ("Żegota"). It had its sections in prisons, by the post offices employees blocked the denunciations sent to German authorities, prepared plans for the after-war period and projects of running the territories that were expected to be captured on Germany (Biuro Ziem Nowych - the New Lands Office).
There existed secret courts (civil and military ones), which sentenced the traitors and punished Nazi collaborators with infamy. Another part of the PPP was the existing from 1940 representation of political parties which eventually was named Rada Jedności Narodowej (RJN, the Council for National Unity) and was a substitute of the parliament. The RJN published proclamations and program declarations (e.g. about the goals of war and future political system of the country). Besides the PPP there functioned hundreds of social, political and cultural associations, there were published more than two thousand books and brochures and more than 1.8 thousand different periodicals. Within the resistance but outside of the PPP were situated only extreme organizations: the NSZ on the right side and the communists on the left. Both these formations tried to create their own substitute of quasi-state structures.
"Burza" (the "Tempest")
The plans of national uprising, which was the main goal of the AK, were changed a few times. The first one emerged when there still existed the Soviet-German alliance, the second one when the Soviet Union joined the anti-Nazi coalition. The last one was elaborated in the autumn of 1943 after breaking off by Moscow the diplomatic relations with Poland and when it turned out for sure that the Polish territory would be first entered by the Red Army. In this plan the uprising received the codename "Burza" (the "Tempest"). It assumed that the very moment when the frontlines would advance close to Poland, all the troops and structures of the AK would be called up to arms under the names of the pre-war Polish Army units (divisions and regiments), and increase sabotage actions. But first of all, they would begin to fight openly the retreating German troops, trying to get in touch at tactical level with the Red Army. In captured cities the underground authorities would come to light (the region and district delegate offices), take over the power and welcome as hosts the entering Soviet troops. Thus the uprising was to be a successive action and not just a one-time appearance in the entire country.
"Burza" began on January 15th, 1944 with mobilization in Volhynia (the so-called "Polskie Kresy Wschodnie" - the Polish Eastern Borderlands) where local troops - transform into the 27th Volhynian Infantry Division of the AK - began actions against the Germans. However, when during the fights the AK units had to cross the frontlines, they were disarmed by NKVD (the Peoples Commissariat for Internal Affairs - Soviet secret political police). Despite the negative turnout, the AK High Command decided to continue the "Burza". More and more mobilized units entered the combat, and the greatest concentration of troops fought together with the Red Army in the battle of Vilnius (July 6th and 7th, 1944). A few days later the NKVD troops surrounded the Poles, disarmed them and interned. A part of them were able to manoeuvre out of encirclement. Again, the AK continued the insurgent action and its troops participated in capturing the subsequent cities and town: together with the Red Army in case of the big cities (like Lviv or Vilnius), or often on their own, in case of attacking some smaller German garrisons. For instance, in the region of Lublin, the AK units captured 7 cities on their own and 11 more together with the Soviets. The "Burza" covered a large territory from the Carpathians to Vilnius and the Lower Bug River, some 120 thousand soldiers fighting. On July 30th, 1944, Stalin ordered to disarm the AK, and the representatives of the Underground State that came out of the hiding and took over the offices were arrested. At least 20 to 30 thousand people were deported to penal colonies in the interior of the Soviet Union, most of them have never returned.
The Warsaw Uprising
Because of the experiences from the East and fears that fights in Warsaw would cause the destruction of the city and losses among the civil population, the opinions whether the "Burza" should take place varied. Eventually, it was decided that the battle of Warsaw would have not only the military significance but also political one. The emotional tension among the citizens and a hearty will to fight expressed by the AK soldiers were also taken into consideration. Finally the decision about starting the uprising in Warsaw was made (with participation of the Government Delegate Home and the head of RJN) on July 31st, when the advancing Red Army units were coming close to the lying on the eastern bank of the Vistula River city district of Praga. Some 23 000 of the AK soldiers started the uprising in the afternoon of August 1st, 1944, under the Warsaw Region Commanding Officer, colonel Antoni Chruściel (aka "Monter"). Although during the first few days of combat the insurgents captured a lot of strategic objects, and as the days went by the ranks were increasing (together there fought some 34 thousands of soldiers), the Home Army was unable to fully drive the Germans out of the downtown, nor to seize the main communication routes and bridges. The 16-thousand-strong German garrison was significantly reinforced (including the troops specializing in fighting partisans) and on August 5th, 1944, the Germans began to counter-strike, using tanks, heavy artillery and assault aircraft. In the first of recaptured districts (Wola), the German troops committed a mass slaughter of civilians. This was to happen again later a few times. The attacking German columns split Warsaw into the "insurgent islands", the contact between which was managed by secret passages through cellars and sewers. In these areas the authority was taken over by Polish administration, newspapers were published, a radio station broadcast ("Błyskawica", or the "Lightning"), municipal services worked.
It was expected that the battle would last a few more days, until the Red Army entered the city. Despite many pleas, including the ones from the Polish prime-minister who was paying a visit in Moscow since July 31st, sometime before August 8th, Stalin ordered to delay offensive actions nearby Warsaw. He did not even agree for the allied transport airplanes to land on Soviet airfields which practically precluded helping the uprising by airdropping the supplies, because the nearest airfields were located in England and Italy. Not till the middle of September, when the uprising was already on the verge of disaster, a mass air-drop was possible but the insurgents took over only some 47 tons of it. The battle dragged on, the death toll among the civilians increased, there lacked food, water and medicines. Capturing Praga by the Red Army and unsuccessful attempts of the Polish troops commanded by General Berling to establish a bridge-head in the left-bank Warsaw did not change the situation. On October 2nd, 1944, the insurgents capitulated. Some 150 000 civilians were killed, most of the city was utterly ruined (later on special German squads kept destroying the remaining buildings), 520 000 citizens expelled of the city. 17 000 insurgents were taken prisoners.
The Warsaw Uprising was the greatest battle fought by the Polish army in WW2: 10 000 soldiers were killed, 7 000 more were missing in action. Major losses were inflicted to Germans - 10 000 killed, 6 000 MIA, 300 tanks, guns and armored vehicles lost.
The uprising did not reach its military nor political objectives, yet for the generations of Poles to come it became a symbol of courage and determination in the struggle for independence.
Basic bibliography:
Norman Davies, Rising '44. "The Battle for Warsaw", London 2004;
Stefan Korboński, The Polish Underground State: A Guide to the Underground 1939-1945, Boulder 1979;
Marek Ney-Krwawicz, The Polish Home Army, 1939-1945, London 2001.
Polish Armed Forces in the West
The campaign in Poland had not finished yet when Polish troops abroad started to form. The government of Poland in exile that emerged in Paris adopted as its main goal the fight at the side of the Allies and creating a Polish army in France. This was the beginning of the Polskie Siły Zbrojne (PSZ - Polish Armed Forces) in the West which fought until May 1945 in three war theatres: Western Europe (1940 and 1944-1945), North Europe (1940) and Mediterranean (North Africa in 1940-1942, Italy 1944-1945). The first Commander-in-Chief was General Władysław Sikorski, who also was the Prime Minister of the government in exile. After his death (July 1943), his post was assigned to General Kazimierz Sosnkowski, dismissed in September 1944. After him General Tadeusz Komorowski, the AK Commanding Officer was appointed who after the Warsaw Uprising defeat became a German prisoner of war.
Campaign in France
Polish troops emerged of a stream of soldiers and officers that reached France through Romania, Hungary, Lithuania and Latvia. 43 000 evacuated, the rest of them ran away on their own. Also the Polish immigrants living in France applied to the army. In a few months the Polish Army reached the number of 84 000 soldiers in four infantry divisions and two brigades. There were also formed four air squadrons and units of anti-aircraft artillery that amounted to about 7 000 people. Besides, a part of withdrawing troops found their way to Syria (administrated by the French) where Samodzielna Brygada Strzelców Karpackich emerged (Independent Carpathian Riflemen Brigade).
During the German Blitzkrieg in France in May 1940 the Allied defense broke already after two weeks which was the reason for a hasty withdrawal of the British troops and capitulation of France. Polish units fought in the southern section of the front: the Polish Grenadier Division after one week of fighting was dissolved because of the French-German armistice talks; the soldiers of the Brygada Kawalerii Pancerno-Motorowej (Armoured Cavalry Brigade) after the battles of Champaubert and Montbard upon the order of their commander, General Maczek, destroyed their equipment and withdrew south; 2 Dywizja Strzelców (2nd Riflemen Division) stopped the German attack on the Clos-du-Doubs hills but when on June 19th it turned out that the fight is almost over, it crossed the Swiss border and was interned there. The Samodzielna Brygada Strzelców Podhalańskich (Indipendent Podhalan Riflemen Brigade) was included in Allied forces sent to Norway in May 1940 and participated in the battle of Narvik. Altogether, about 50 000 Polish soldiers fought defending France, 1400 were killed, more than 4500 were wounded. Polish fighter pilots achieved 50 confirmed and 5 probable kills of enemy aircraft. The defeat of France meant the defeat of the Polish troops fighting at the side of the French. Only about 20 000 men were able to withdraw to England. The great organizational effort made since the autumn 1939 was wasted.
Battle of Britain and the Polish Air Force
The Polish pilots stood out during the campaign of 1939 and highlighted during the campaign in France. But the most distinguished role they played in 1940 when the decisive for the fate of the England and the coalition Battle of Britain took place (August 8th - October 31st, 1940). The British industry produced enough aircraft but it was not possible to train enough pilots in such a short time. Therefore the role of foreign airmen, of whom the greatest group formed the 151 Polish pilots, cannot be overemphasized. They fought both in the British and Polish squadrons (302nd and 303rd fighter and 300th and 301st bomber squadrons). During the Battle of Britain the Poles shot down 203 Luftwaffe aircraft which stood for 12% of total German losses in this battle. The success of the Polish pilots inclined the British command to expand the Polish Air Force: until summer 1941 8 fighter and 4 bomber squadrons emerged. Later on new ones were created, including the Polish Fighting Team (commonly called the "Skalski's circus", named derived from its commander's surname) that fought in North Africa. Polish pilots protected England, e.g. by destroying 193 German V1 and V2 missiles, and participated in many operations over the continent, escorting the bombers, bombing different targets (e.g. Ruhr, Hamburg, Brema), provided air support to the landing troops during the invasion in June 1944. In 1944 the Polish air unit operating from Italy airdropped in Poland men and equipment for the AK, and during the Warsaw Uprising the Polish crews flew 91 times with the supplies for the fighting insurgents. From 1940 to 1945 the Polish squadrons and the Polish pilots serving in British units achieved 621 confirmed kills, and together with campaigns of 1939 and France- 900 confirmed and 189 probable.
Basic bibliography:
Lenne Olson, Stanley Cloud, A Question of Honour. The Kosciuszko squadron: forgotten heroes of World War II, New York, 2003;
Adam Zamoyski, The Forgotten Few: The Polish Air Force in the Second World War, New York 1996.
The Battle of Atlantic and the Polish navy
Just before war's outbreak three Polish destroyers (Błyskawica, Burza and Grom) left for Great Britain. Later on they were joined by the submarines Orzeł and Wilk that managed to escape the Germans. The Polish Navy since 1940 was constantly expanded by the ships leased from the Royal Navy and in 1945 it amounted to 4 thousand seamen on 15 ships (1 cruiser, 6 destroyers, 3 submarines and 5 torpedo boats). During the war there served 26 ships (2 cruisers, 9 destroyers, 5 submarines and 11 torpedo boats). At the side of the British and American fleets, the Polish vessels participated in tens of operations: e.g. in May 1940 in Narvik, during the evacuation from Dunkirk, in 1944 during the landing in Normandy (operation "Overlord"), escorting convoys to Murmansk and Malta but most of all in the Battle of the Atlantic which took place from 1940 to 1944, including the famous "hunt for Bismarck", the greatest Kriegsmarine battleship (May 1941). Totally, they participated in 665 battles and escorted 787 convoys, sunk 12 enemy ships (including 5 submarines) and 41 merchant vessels, damaged 24 more (including 8 submarines). Besides that the Allied sea transport was reinforced with 36 Polish merchant vessels which 1939 were abroad, total displacement of 117 thousand tons.
Basic bibliography:
Michael A. Peszke, Poland's Navy 1918-1945, New York 1999;
Jerzy Pertek, Mała flota wielka duchem, Poznań 1989.
Land battles 1941-1945
After the defeat of France, the Carpathian Riflemen Brigade left Syria and joined the British forces in Egypt. It was an excellent unit of 5 000 men, mainly experienced soldiers, the 1939 veterans and volunteers. In August 1941 it moved to Libya where it won fame in the heavy fights during the defense of the besieged Tobruk, and in the spring of 1942 in the Libyan Desert.
About 20 00 men managed to withdraw from France to Great Britain. They formed 1st Polish Corps that was supposed to defend the eastern coast of Scotland, and 1st Independent Parachute Brigade that was supposed to be airdropped in Poland once the national uprising began. In 1941 1st Armored Division was created within the frames of the 1st Corps. However, this army could not develop because the Polish immigration on the British Islands was not very numerous. No Poles were arriving from the conquered by Germany and Italy Europe, and the voluntary recruitment in the United States, Canada and Latin America brought only a few thousand men. Situation changed when after the 3rd Reich's assault on the Soviet Union. The Polish government signed a treaty with the Soviets guaranteeing (among others) releasing the Polish citizens from prisons and camps and creating Polish Army. It was formed under the command of General Władysław Anders. In the spring of 1942 it amounted to more than 70 000 men but it suffered from the lack of officers. The pre-war Polish officers were looked for in vain because it was not known that they were executed two years earlier by NKVD. The Soviet authorities caused more and more trouble in expanding the army, for example by drastically limiting food rations to 40 000 portions a day. In the same time the situation of the Allies in the Middle East was very difficult, the United States had just begun mobilization, and the Great Britain ran out of reserves. In such conditions it was agreed to evacuate the Polish units to Persia, yet with the army some civilians left as well (mainly children and families of soldiers) - altogether some 114 tousand people.
From the forces moved to the Middle East (first to Persia, then to Iraq and Palestine) the 2nd Polish Corps emerged. In December 1943 and January 1944 it was transported to the Italian front. About 50 000 soldiers fought for almost year and a half, distinguishing themselves with glory, especially during the bloody struggle to break the Gustav Line. The key position there was the hill and monastery of Monte Cassino, captured by the Poles on May 18th, 1944. In July the Corps captured the city and port of Ancona, and in August participated in breaking the Gothic Line at the Adriatic Sea. In 1945 it took part in the spring offensive in the North of Italy, in battles of Faenza and Bolonia, which was first entered by the Polish soldiers. During the campaign in Italy some 2600 of them were killed.
The Polish forces stationed on the British Islands, reinforced by the soldiers who came from the Soviet Union, prepared to participate in the invasion of the continent. In June 1944, in the operation "Overlord" in Normandy, the Polish Air Force and the navy took part. Then the 1st Armored Division (under the command of Gen. Maczek), total of 16 000 men, 380 tanks and 470 guns was moved to France. It formed a part of the Canadian Corps and won fame in the battles of Falaise and Chambois (August 18th to 22nd, 1944) where it closed the "cauldron", cutting off the retreating German divisions. Later on it liberated the cities of Abeville, St. Omar and Cassel in France, Ypres and Gent in Belgium and Breda (October 28th to 30th, 1944) in the Netherlands, finally capturing the German seaport of Wilhelmshaven. Its combat route amounted to 1800 km, the division destroyed 260 enemy tanks and self-propelled guns, loosing 4600 soldiers, including more than a 1000 of casualties. In September 1944 the 1st Parachute Brigade was airdropped near Arnhem in the Netherlands as a part of the unfortunate "Market-Garden", suffering great losses.
When the war in Europe was coming to an end, the Polish troops fighting at the side of the Western Allies numbered more than 210 thousand soldiers, 1335 tanks, about 4000 of armored vehicles, 2050 guns and mortars, 32 thousand different mechanical vessels.
Basic bibliography:
Witold Biegański, Polskie Siły Zbrojne na Zachodzie, 1939-1945, Warszawa 1990;
Margaret Brodniewicz-Stawicki, For your freedom and ours: the Polish Armed Forces in the Second World War, St. Catharines, Ont, 1999.
Polish Army on the Eastern Front
After bringing into light the Katyn massacre and breaking off the diplomatic relations with Poland (April 1943), Stalin decided to organize Polish armed forces fighting at side of the Red Army. These troops emerged without the approval of the legal authorities of Poland, most of the commanding personnel were Soviet officers, the political officers recruited from the Polish communists but ordinary soldiers were Poles deported in the years 1939-1941 to the interior of the Soviet Union, and from the spring 1944, also the inhabitants of the Polish Kresy Wschodnie (Eastern Borderlands). Though its origin was not legal, and it played a significant role in imposing the communist system in Poland later on, the Polish Army fighting on the Eastern Front contributed a lot to the Polish military effort. From a single division (1st Tadeusz Kościuszko Infantry Division, commanded by colonel Zygmunt Berling) eleven-thousand-people strong, which began to form in May 1943, it expanded to one-hundred-thousand-people-strong army in July 1994, and at the end of the war it amounted to more than 330 thousand soldiers formed in two armies with all land forces arms (infantry, artillery, engineers, tanks and different supporting troops).
This army's baptism of fire took place at the battle of Lenino (Belarus) in October 1943. In July and August 1944 the Polish troops fought at the bridgeheads on the Western Bank of the Vistula River, and in the battle of Studzianki the Polish armored brigade fought its first battle against the Germans. In September 1944 the Polish Army attempted at helping the insurgents in Warsaw - unsuccessfully and with great losses. From January 1945 it participated in the great Soviet offensive: in February and March it fought a dramatic battle to break the Wał Pomorski (Pomeranian Position - the highly fortified German defense line) and capturing Kołobrzeg (Kolberg), a Baltic seaport transformed into a fortress; the Polish troops fought at Gdańsk and Gdynia, and also by Zalew Szczeciński (Bay of Szczecin). The crowning of the combat route was participation in capturing Berlin. In the entire operation took part 180 000 soldiers from the 1st and 2nd Polish Army, and in the assault in the downtown of Berlin an important role played the 1st Tadeusz Kościuszko Division. It was the only military unit besides the Red Army that stuck its national flag over the ruins of the German capital. Polish troops reached the Elba River and got in touch with American units. In April 1945, the 2nd Army forced the Nysa River, then fought in the region of Dresden and Bautzen, suffering great losses. Its combat route it ended in May in Czechoslovakia. In battles against the Germans on the Eastern Front participated also some Polish air units (however, they consisted mainly of Soviet pilots).
From the battle of Lenino till the combat over Elba and in Saxony 17 500 soldiers were killed, almost 10 000 were considered to be MIA. The most casualties cost the fighting in Pomorze (Pomerania - 5400 killed and 2800 MIA) and in the Berlin operation (7200 killed and 3800 MIA). Because of the combined nature of the Soviet and Polish actions it is difficult to estimate how much damage the Poles inflicted to the enemy. Some partial data is available only for a few battles: at Lenino 1800 Germans were killed, wounded or taken prisoner, in the tank battle at Studzianki the Germans lost 20 tanks and self-propelled guns and 1500 soldiers, at Wał Pomorski 2300 killed. In Berlin the soldiers of the Kościuszko Division captured four subway stations and took prisoner 2500 German soldiers.
The Polish Army fighting in the East was the greatest regular military force fighting at the side of the Red Army. Its almost two years long combat route added up to 1000 kilometers. It participated in different and important activities: forcing rivers, capturing cities, attacking fortifications, pursuing enemy troops. Its share in victory was paid dearly.
Basic bibliography:
Czesław Grzelak, Henryk Stańczyk, Stefan Zwoliński, Armia Berlinga i Żymierskiego. Wojsko polskie na froncie wschodnim 1943-1945, Warszawa 2002.
The „Enigma" and Intelligence
On July 25th 1939, before the war began, the Polish intelligence (Section 2 of the General Staff) provided Great Britain and France with one copy each (with necessary documents) of the German coding machine "Enigma" that allowed to read the secret German messages. A team of Polish cryptologists was evacuated to France, later on to England, where a special center for monitoring and decoding was organized in Bletchley Park. The Polish "Enigma" played a significant role, especially during the Battle of Britain, Battle of the Atlantic and the invasion of the continent in 1944. Other evacuated to England Polish scientists and technicians have to be mentioned as well. The electronics specialists helped with creating the submarine detection system (HFDF - High Frequency Direction Finding). The Polish engineers constructed the reversible tank periscope and an anti-aircraft cannon, with tens of thousands of which the British troops were equipped.
The Intelligence
Due to the impossibility of forming regular troops in the occupied Poland, a very important role in the Polish contribution to the anti-Nazi alliance played the intelligence which had a lot of experience in the territory of Germany from before war. During the conflict the Polish intelligence based on two centers: Section 2 of the Commander-in-Chief Staff, operating mainly in Western Europe and North Africa, and Section 2 of the AK Commanding Officer that worked mainly home and in Germany. Section 2 in London was the coordinator of all and had close contacts with correspondent British services, including Special Operations Executive (SOE) that dealt with intelligence and sabotage in occupied Europe. In August 1941 there was an agreement signed with the intelligence of the United States (OCI, later OSS). For some time in 1942 the AK intelligence had direct radio connection with the Red Army. Before that and later on, a lot of information from the Polish intelligence reached Moscow with the help of the British. The relations with the Allies were very important, because the Polish army could not use all the information gathered because of the limited own potential.
The intelligence commanded directly from London created - starting in September 1940 - a lot of posts, a network of which covered practically entire Western and Southern Europe and North Africa. The greatest and the most important was the network in France (Agency "F", later "F2"), that amounted to more than 2500 agents and only in the years 1940-1942 provided the center in London with more than 5200 reports. In 1944 the working in Paris network "Interallie" focused on the issues related to the invasion. There also existed the networks in Denmark, Belgium, the Netherlands, Sweden, Switzerland, Spain, Portugal, Greece, Palestine, Italy, in the Balkans and the Baltic states. Information sent by the network of the Agency "AFR" played an important role in planning the allied attack on the North Africa (Operation "Torch", December 1942). In France the intelligence network was closely related to a wider Polish conspiracy activity that had also subversion and propaganda tasks (Polska Organizacja Walki o Niepodległość - Polish Organization of Fight for Independence, aka "Monika").
The first intelligence structures in the occupied Polish territories emerged in the autumn of 1939, parallel in the framework of the ZWZ staff and upon individual initiatives. Of the latter ones the most important one is the organization "Muszkieterzy" (the Musketeers). The proper development of the intelligence activity began after the fall of France when it was realized that the war was going to last longer than expected. Section 2 was an extended structure with all the departments and services existing in military intelligence, both in the center in Warsaw, and in the AK regions and districts. It is estimated that within their framework some 15 000 people worked, and an important role was played by the employees of the post offices and railways. One of the most important elements were the posts working in Germany (general codename "Stragan" or the "Stall"), located (among other places) in Berlin, Hamburg, Cologne, Wienna, Konigsberg, Wroclaw (Breslau), and Szczecin (Stettin). The offensive intelligence of the "Stragan" (codename "Lombard", or the "Pawnshop") undertook also the sabotage actions, like bomb attempts. After the outbreak of the Soviet-German war, the intelligence in the East expanded (codename "Pralnia" or "Laundry") by organizing posts in Smolensk, Kharkiv, Riga and Daugavpils. In the spring of 1941 the Polish intelligence sent to Moscow via London some comprehensive reports on the German invasion plans.
The most spectacular achievement of the AK intelligence was a thorough study of the research center and factory in Pennemunde, where V1 and V2 missiles were produced. The first information was obtained in the autumn 1942 and in March 1943 a detailed report was sent to London. This allowed the British to conduct a massive bomb attack (night from August 17th to 18th, 1943) which for many months stopped the Wunderwaffe (Wonderful Weapon) construction plans. In 1944 the AK intelligence captured a missile that had not exploded during the drill and sent its parts to London. Quite a role played the data on localization of gasoline factories (operation "Synteza", or the "Syntesis") and the military facilities in Germany and Poland. The information on concentration and death camps was also sent. The materials sent by the Poles were very much appreciated by the partners. In the Intelligence Service evaluations it can be read that "the Polish intelligence provided a lot of very valuable information" (first half-year 1942), the estimations delivered by the AK "belong to the most precious ones that we get" (June 1944).
In total, from the second half of 1940 to the end of 1943 (the data for the later period is missing) from the network of the Polish intelligence more than 26 000 reports and a few thousand decoded German messages were delivered to the Allies.
Basic bibliography:
Władysław Kozaczuk, Jerzy Straszak, Enigma: how the Poles broke the Nazi code, New York 2004;
Piotr Matusak, Wywiad Związku Walki Zbrojnej - Armii Krajowej 1939-1945, Warszawa 2002;
Andrzej Pepłoński, Wywiad Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie, 1939-1945, Warszawa 1995.
A thought for the anniversary
Polish soldiers were not invited to participate in the victory defilades which took place in 1945 in London and Moscow. This meant that the Great Powers treated Poland more like an object of mutual relations than like a partner. However, the Western Allies many times emphasized the heroism and determination of the Polish soldiers and the fact that Poland was a very valuable ally, therefore belonging to the winners of the war. Many Poles thought, and still think, that it was a "bitter victory" because the Polish state that emerged after the war was harmed by subordinating it to the Soviet Union. Despite this no one seems to doubt that it was necessary to fight and the homage to those who fought, is paid by everyone.
Poland was the only country to fight in the European theatre of war from the first to the last day of the greatest armed conflict in the history of mankind. The war began with invading Poland: first, on September 1st, 1939, by the Nazi Germany, soon after, on September 17th, by the Soviet Union. Both invaders acted in concert, upon the Ribbentrop - Molotov Treaty (concluded on August 23rd). The allies of Poland - Great Britain and France - declared war upon Germany on September 3rd, but did not undertake any efficient military actions (the so-called "Phony War"). The Soviet Union joined the anti-Nazi alliance only in the summer of 1941, when invaded by Germany. The United States, although they gave a lot of significant material aid, joined the military actions within the frames of the coalition in December 1941 when assaulted by Japan and when Germany declared war upon them.
In the Polish contribution to the defeat of Germany in the first place we notice determination and perseverance: despite the severe defeat in 1939, the Poles formed armies five more times, including four outside of their country: in France in 1939, in the United Kingdom in the summer of 1940 (after the defeat and capitulation of France), in the USSR in 1941 (the army of Gen. Anders that fought later in the South of Europe), and then again in the Soviet Union in 1943 there emerged the one that later fought at the Red Army's side. The fifth Polish army, created at the end of September of 1939 was the conspiratorial armed force in the occupied territory. For the entire period of the war there also existed the very important "silent front" - the intelligence. Probably up to 2 millions Poles served since September 1st, 1939 to May 8th, 1945 in all the Polish military formations - regular armies, partisan troops and underground forces. In the final stage of war the Polish troops on all the European fronts amounted to some 600 thousands soldiers (infantry, armored troops, aircraft and navy), and in the summer of 1944 while entering the open fight with the retreating Germans, the armed underground numbered more than 300 thousands sworn soldiers. It can be concluded that Poland put in the field the fourth greatest Allied army.
Basic bibliography:
Józef Garliński, Poland in the Second World War, 1939-1945, London 1985
ed. Edward Pawłowski, Wojsko Polskie w II Wojnie Światowej, Warszawa 1995.
The 1939 Campaign
At the outbreak of the war, Polish army was able to put in the field almost one million soldiers, 2800 guns, 500 tanks and 400 aircraft. On the September 1st, the German forces set to war against Poland amounted to more than 1.5 million solders, 9000 guns, 2500 tanks and almost 2000 aircraft. The Red Army began the invasion sending in the first lot more than 620 000 soldiers, 4700 tanks and 3200 aircraft. Despite the overwhelming odds and the necessity of defense against the offensive in all directions, the Polish army fought for 35 days. Warsaw held until September 28th, the Polish garrison of Hel Peninsula for more than a month. The last battle against German troops took place on October 5th.
Polish losses in combat against Germans (killed and missing in action) amounted to ca. 70 000. 420 000 were taken prisoners. Losses against the Red Army added up to 6000 to 7000 of casualties and MIA, 250 000 were taken prisoners. Of these, almost all of the officers were murdered in the spring on 1940 in Katyn, Kharkiv and Tver upon Stalin's decision. Although the Polish army - considering the inactivity of the Allies - was in an unfavorable position - it managed to inflict serious losses to the enemies: 14 000 German soldiers were killed or MIA, 674 tanks and 319 armored vehicles destroyed or badly damaged, 230 aircraft shot down; the Red Army lost (killed and MIA) about 2500 soldiers, 150 combat vehicles and 20 aircraft. For many weeks Poland contained significant German forces, no advantage of this was taken by the Allies. Besides that, the necessity to reinforce the destroyed in Poland German military forces gave France and Great Britain more time to prepare to repulse invasion.
Basic bibliography:
Paweł Wieczorkiewicz, Kampania 1939 roku, Warszawa 2001;
Steven J. Zaloga, Poland 1939. The Birth of Blitzkrieg, London 2002;
Alexander B. Rossion, Hitler Strikes Poland. Blitzkrieg, Ideology, and Atrocity, Kansas 2003.
The underground army home
Home Army
In the night from September 26th to 27th, 1939, a day before Warsaw's capitulation, General Michał Karaszewicz-Tokarzewski received from the Commander-in-Chief of the Polish army (at the time interned in Romania) an order to create a military conspiracy. Over a few weeks he summoned up a group of officers who avoided captivity and from the scratch they built the most powerful underground army in the occupied Europe. The first name of it was Służba Zwycięstwu Polski (SZP - Polish Victory Service), later Związek Walki Zbrojnej (ZWZ - Union for Armed Struggle), and from February 1942 - Armia Krajowa (AK - Home Army). This resistance is widely known under this last name. The actual creator of the Home Army was Gen. Stefan Rowecki (also known as "Grot") who was the chief of staff first, and from June 1940 to June 1943 - the Commanding Officer. After his seizure by Gestapo, this post was taken by Gen. Tadeusz Komorowski (aka Bór). The Home Army, being a voluntary force, in the same time was both a part of Polskie Siły Zbrojne (PSZ - or PAF - Polish Armed Forces) whose high command was located in exile, and the most important element of the Polish Underground State. The main goal of the AK was preparation and conducting the national uprising in case of advancing frontlines or general collapse of the German armed forces. There were created suitable structures - staff, high commands of arms and services, territorial commands (regions, and on lower level - districts), weapons were collected, officers and soldiers trained, information about enemy gathered. However, because of the atrocious nature of the German occupation, public feelings and attitude, it was necessary to undertake daily struggle. Therefore the AK activities consisted of two strictly connected to each other parts: 1. the daily conspiratorial struggle, 2. the national uprising (during which the Home Army was supposed to recreate the full structure of armed forces).
Parallel to the official army there emerged military units of political parties, conspiracies based upon social organizations (e.g. upon the Fire Brigades emerged Skała, or "the Rock") and youth associations (e.g. Szare Szeregi, or "the Grey Ranks", based upon the Związek Harcerstwa Polskiego, or the "Polish Scouting Association"). They emerged thanks to the sabotage groups prepared by the General Staff before the war's outbreak. One of the tasks of the AK Commanding Officer was uniting them into one force. This took quite a lot of time. Eventually, only a part of radical nationalists (NSZ - Narodowe Siły Zbrojne - National Armed Forces) and, emerging up from the summer 1942 - military units of communist party remained out of the AK structures. In the spring of 1944, when the process of unification was ended, the Home Army numbered more than 300 thousand sworn soldiers.
Apart from the staff and territorial structures there existed special units dealing among others with subversion and sabotage. In April 1940 the Związek Odwetu emerged (ZO - Retaliation Union), later transformed into the Kierownictwo Dywersji (Kedyw - Subversion Command) which acted on central level and in each region. In September 1941, because of the change in the Polish-Soviet relations the organization "Wachlarz" (or the "Fan") was created. It dealt with intelligence and sabotage closely behind the German-Soviet frontlines. From January 1st 1941 to June 30th, 1944 within the frames of daily struggle the AK and subordinate units ditched among others 732 trains, set fire to 443 transports, destroyed about 4300 vehicles, burnt 130 magazines of weapons and equipments, damaged 19 000 train carriages and 6900 engines, set fire to 1200 gasoline tanks, blew up 40 railway bridges, destroyed 5 oil shafts, froze 3 blast-furnaces, conducted about 25 sabotage acts in war factories, 5700 attempts on officers of different police formations, soldiers and volksdeutschs (Polish citizens of German origin that volunteered to quisle with Germans), set free prisoners of 16 prisons. The partisan troops - active from 1943 - fought more than 170 combats, killing more than 1000 Germans. At the beginning of 1944 there were about 60 active AK partisan troops (some numbered up to a few hundred soldiers) and about 200 sabotage squads. The AK organized a few conspiratorial groups in some of the concentration camp (e.g. in Auschwitz) and among Poles sent to Germany for slave work. The runaway allied prisoners of war were also helped. A contact by radio and couriers with the Polish government in exile and the Commander-in-Chief staff was also maintained. There functioned permanent transfer bases (the most important one in Budapest) and courier routes (e.g. to Sweden). Since February 1942 began to arrive the trained in England Polish sabotage and intelligence officers (the so called "cichociemni" - literally the "silent and dark ones"). In total 316 of them were parachuted in Poland. There also was a subversion propaganda action going on, addressed to German soldiers (the so called Action "N"). The AK conducted some large publishing activities: there were about 250 newspapers edited, including the largest resistance title - "Biuletyn Informacyjny" (Information Bulletin), which was published from November 5th, 1939 up to January, 1945. Besides the "Biuletyn" there were also issued military books of rules, handbooks and manuals for the cadets of the underground military schools (some 8600 soldiers graduated from them). As it can be seen, there were many various activities going on. Their own contribution to fight against the occupation regime paid Żydowska Organizacja Bojowa (ŻOB - Jewish Fighting Organization) and the supported directly by the AK Żydowski Związek Wojskowy (ŻZW - Jewish Military Union) - mainly in the form of the heroic and desperate Warsaw Ghetto Uprising (April 19th - May 16th 1943).
To the most spectacular actions of the Home Army belong: paralyzing the railway junction in Warsaw (night from October 7th to 8th , 1942), recapturing the prisoners in Pińsk (January 18th, 1943), bomb assault in a city railway station in Berlin (February 15th, 1943), recapturing the prisoners in downtown Warsaw (the so-called Arsenal action, March 26th, 1943), assassination of Franz Kutschera, the SS and Police Commander for the District of Warsaw (February 1st, 1994).
It is estimated that until July, 1944 about 34 thousand soldiers of the Home Army and subordinate units were killed- some in combat but mostly they were executed or tortured to death in prisons - more or less 10% of the ranks. Among the "cichociemni" the losses added up to 1/3 of the ranks.
The Underground State
It was possible to build up the conspiratorial army to such a great size and manage for it to be so active only because it was closely connected with the Polskie Państwo Podziemne (PPP - the Polish Underground State) and civil resistance. The PPP was a unique phenomenon: in none of the European states there existed such a vast and differentiated structure. Besides the AK the main component of the PPP was Delegatura Rządu na Kraj (Government Delegate's Office at Home) which created a network of underground administration of all levels. The Kierownictwo Walki Cywilnej (Civil Fighting Executive) coordinated the activities of the so-called "little sabotage", undertook propaganda actions and activities aiming at maintaining the morale and spirit of resistance against Germany. A daily set of news was prepared for the Polish radio "Świt" (or the"Dawn") which broadcast from England but pretended to exist in Poland. The Kierownictwo also conducted secret education (including university level), helped the families of the victims of the invader and ran a separate action aiding the Jews ("Żegota"). It had its sections in prisons, by the post offices employees blocked the denunciations sent to German authorities, prepared plans for the after-war period and projects of running the territories that were expected to be captured on Germany (Biuro Ziem Nowych - the New Lands Office).
There existed secret courts (civil and military ones), which sentenced the traitors and punished Nazi collaborators with infamy. Another part of the PPP was the existing from 1940 representation of political parties which eventually was named Rada Jedności Narodowej (RJN, the Council for National Unity) and was a substitute of the parliament. The RJN published proclamations and program declarations (e.g. about the goals of war and future political system of the country). Besides the PPP there functioned hundreds of social, political and cultural associations, there were published more than two thousand books and brochures and more than 1.8 thousand different periodicals. Within the resistance but outside of the PPP were situated only extreme organizations: the NSZ on the right side and the communists on the left. Both these formations tried to create their own substitute of quasi-state structures.
"Burza" (the "Tempest")
The plans of national uprising, which was the main goal of the AK, were changed a few times. The first one emerged when there still existed the Soviet-German alliance, the second one when the Soviet Union joined the anti-Nazi coalition. The last one was elaborated in the autumn of 1943 after breaking off by Moscow the diplomatic relations with Poland and when it turned out for sure that the Polish territory would be first entered by the Red Army. In this plan the uprising received the codename "Burza" (the "Tempest"). It assumed that the very moment when the frontlines would advance close to Poland, all the troops and structures of the AK would be called up to arms under the names of the pre-war Polish Army units (divisions and regiments), and increase sabotage actions. But first of all, they would begin to fight openly the retreating German troops, trying to get in touch at tactical level with the Red Army. In captured cities the underground authorities would come to light (the region and district delegate offices), take over the power and welcome as hosts the entering Soviet troops. Thus the uprising was to be a successive action and not just a one-time appearance in the entire country.
"Burza" began on January 15th, 1944 with mobilization in Volhynia (the so-called "Polskie Kresy Wschodnie" - the Polish Eastern Borderlands) where local troops - transform into the 27th Volhynian Infantry Division of the AK - began actions against the Germans. However, when during the fights the AK units had to cross the frontlines, they were disarmed by NKVD (the Peoples Commissariat for Internal Affairs - Soviet secret political police). Despite the negative turnout, the AK High Command decided to continue the "Burza". More and more mobilized units entered the combat, and the greatest concentration of troops fought together with the Red Army in the battle of Vilnius (July 6th and 7th, 1944). A few days later the NKVD troops surrounded the Poles, disarmed them and interned. A part of them were able to manoeuvre out of encirclement. Again, the AK continued the insurgent action and its troops participated in capturing the subsequent cities and town: together with the Red Army in case of the big cities (like Lviv or Vilnius), or often on their own, in case of attacking some smaller German garrisons. For instance, in the region of Lublin, the AK units captured 7 cities on their own and 11 more together with the Soviets. The "Burza" covered a large territory from the Carpathians to Vilnius and the Lower Bug River, some 120 thousand soldiers fighting. On July 30th, 1944, Stalin ordered to disarm the AK, and the representatives of the Underground State that came out of the hiding and took over the offices were arrested. At least 20 to 30 thousand people were deported to penal colonies in the interior of the Soviet Union, most of them have never returned.
The Warsaw Uprising
Because of the experiences from the East and fears that fights in Warsaw would cause the destruction of the city and losses among the civil population, the opinions whether the "Burza" should take place varied. Eventually, it was decided that the battle of Warsaw would have not only the military significance but also political one. The emotional tension among the citizens and a hearty will to fight expressed by the AK soldiers were also taken into consideration. Finally the decision about starting the uprising in Warsaw was made (with participation of the Government Delegate Home and the head of RJN) on July 31st, when the advancing Red Army units were coming close to the lying on the eastern bank of the Vistula River city district of Praga. Some 23 000 of the AK soldiers started the uprising in the afternoon of August 1st, 1944, under the Warsaw Region Commanding Officer, colonel Antoni Chruściel (aka "Monter"). Although during the first few days of combat the insurgents captured a lot of strategic objects, and as the days went by the ranks were increasing (together there fought some 34 thousands of soldiers), the Home Army was unable to fully drive the Germans out of the downtown, nor to seize the main communication routes and bridges. The 16-thousand-strong German garrison was significantly reinforced (including the troops specializing in fighting partisans) and on August 5th, 1944, the Germans began to counter-strike, using tanks, heavy artillery and assault aircraft. In the first of recaptured districts (Wola), the German troops committed a mass slaughter of civilians. This was to happen again later a few times. The attacking German columns split Warsaw into the "insurgent islands", the contact between which was managed by secret passages through cellars and sewers. In these areas the authority was taken over by Polish administration, newspapers were published, a radio station broadcast ("Błyskawica", or the "Lightning"), municipal services worked.
It was expected that the battle would last a few more days, until the Red Army entered the city. Despite many pleas, including the ones from the Polish prime-minister who was paying a visit in Moscow since July 31st, sometime before August 8th, Stalin ordered to delay offensive actions nearby Warsaw. He did not even agree for the allied transport airplanes to land on Soviet airfields which practically precluded helping the uprising by airdropping the supplies, because the nearest airfields were located in England and Italy. Not till the middle of September, when the uprising was already on the verge of disaster, a mass air-drop was possible but the insurgents took over only some 47 tons of it. The battle dragged on, the death toll among the civilians increased, there lacked food, water and medicines. Capturing Praga by the Red Army and unsuccessful attempts of the Polish troops commanded by General Berling to establish a bridge-head in the left-bank Warsaw did not change the situation. On October 2nd, 1944, the insurgents capitulated. Some 150 000 civilians were killed, most of the city was utterly ruined (later on special German squads kept destroying the remaining buildings), 520 000 citizens expelled of the city. 17 000 insurgents were taken prisoners.
The Warsaw Uprising was the greatest battle fought by the Polish army in WW2: 10 000 soldiers were killed, 7 000 more were missing in action. Major losses were inflicted to Germans - 10 000 killed, 6 000 MIA, 300 tanks, guns and armored vehicles lost.
The uprising did not reach its military nor political objectives, yet for the generations of Poles to come it became a symbol of courage and determination in the struggle for independence.
Basic bibliography:
Norman Davies, Rising '44. "The Battle for Warsaw", London 2004;
Stefan Korboński, The Polish Underground State: A Guide to the Underground 1939-1945, Boulder 1979;
Marek Ney-Krwawicz, The Polish Home Army, 1939-1945, London 2001.
Polish Armed Forces in the West
The campaign in Poland had not finished yet when Polish troops abroad started to form. The government of Poland in exile that emerged in Paris adopted as its main goal the fight at the side of the Allies and creating a Polish army in France. This was the beginning of the Polskie Siły Zbrojne (PSZ - Polish Armed Forces) in the West which fought until May 1945 in three war theatres: Western Europe (1940 and 1944-1945), North Europe (1940) and Mediterranean (North Africa in 1940-1942, Italy 1944-1945). The first Commander-in-Chief was General Władysław Sikorski, who also was the Prime Minister of the government in exile. After his death (July 1943), his post was assigned to General Kazimierz Sosnkowski, dismissed in September 1944. After him General Tadeusz Komorowski, the AK Commanding Officer was appointed who after the Warsaw Uprising defeat became a German prisoner of war.
Campaign in France
Polish troops emerged of a stream of soldiers and officers that reached France through Romania, Hungary, Lithuania and Latvia. 43 000 evacuated, the rest of them ran away on their own. Also the Polish immigrants living in France applied to the army. In a few months the Polish Army reached the number of 84 000 soldiers in four infantry divisions and two brigades. There were also formed four air squadrons and units of anti-aircraft artillery that amounted to about 7 000 people. Besides, a part of withdrawing troops found their way to Syria (administrated by the French) where Samodzielna Brygada Strzelców Karpackich emerged (Independent Carpathian Riflemen Brigade).
During the German Blitzkrieg in France in May 1940 the Allied defense broke already after two weeks which was the reason for a hasty withdrawal of the British troops and capitulation of France. Polish units fought in the southern section of the front: the Polish Grenadier Division after one week of fighting was dissolved because of the French-German armistice talks; the soldiers of the Brygada Kawalerii Pancerno-Motorowej (Armoured Cavalry Brigade) after the battles of Champaubert and Montbard upon the order of their commander, General Maczek, destroyed their equipment and withdrew south; 2 Dywizja Strzelców (2nd Riflemen Division) stopped the German attack on the Clos-du-Doubs hills but when on June 19th it turned out that the fight is almost over, it crossed the Swiss border and was interned there. The Samodzielna Brygada Strzelców Podhalańskich (Indipendent Podhalan Riflemen Brigade) was included in Allied forces sent to Norway in May 1940 and participated in the battle of Narvik. Altogether, about 50 000 Polish soldiers fought defending France, 1400 were killed, more than 4500 were wounded. Polish fighter pilots achieved 50 confirmed and 5 probable kills of enemy aircraft. The defeat of France meant the defeat of the Polish troops fighting at the side of the French. Only about 20 000 men were able to withdraw to England. The great organizational effort made since the autumn 1939 was wasted.
Battle of Britain and the Polish Air Force
The Polish pilots stood out during the campaign of 1939 and highlighted during the campaign in France. But the most distinguished role they played in 1940 when the decisive for the fate of the England and the coalition Battle of Britain took place (August 8th - October 31st, 1940). The British industry produced enough aircraft but it was not possible to train enough pilots in such a short time. Therefore the role of foreign airmen, of whom the greatest group formed the 151 Polish pilots, cannot be overemphasized. They fought both in the British and Polish squadrons (302nd and 303rd fighter and 300th and 301st bomber squadrons). During the Battle of Britain the Poles shot down 203 Luftwaffe aircraft which stood for 12% of total German losses in this battle. The success of the Polish pilots inclined the British command to expand the Polish Air Force: until summer 1941 8 fighter and 4 bomber squadrons emerged. Later on new ones were created, including the Polish Fighting Team (commonly called the "Skalski's circus", named derived from its commander's surname) that fought in North Africa. Polish pilots protected England, e.g. by destroying 193 German V1 and V2 missiles, and participated in many operations over the continent, escorting the bombers, bombing different targets (e.g. Ruhr, Hamburg, Brema), provided air support to the landing troops during the invasion in June 1944. In 1944 the Polish air unit operating from Italy airdropped in Poland men and equipment for the AK, and during the Warsaw Uprising the Polish crews flew 91 times with the supplies for the fighting insurgents. From 1940 to 1945 the Polish squadrons and the Polish pilots serving in British units achieved 621 confirmed kills, and together with campaigns of 1939 and France- 900 confirmed and 189 probable.
Basic bibliography:
Lenne Olson, Stanley Cloud, A Question of Honour. The Kosciuszko squadron: forgotten heroes of World War II, New York, 2003;
Adam Zamoyski, The Forgotten Few: The Polish Air Force in the Second World War, New York 1996.
The Battle of Atlantic and the Polish navy
Just before war's outbreak three Polish destroyers (Błyskawica, Burza and Grom) left for Great Britain. Later on they were joined by the submarines Orzeł and Wilk that managed to escape the Germans. The Polish Navy since 1940 was constantly expanded by the ships leased from the Royal Navy and in 1945 it amounted to 4 thousand seamen on 15 ships (1 cruiser, 6 destroyers, 3 submarines and 5 torpedo boats). During the war there served 26 ships (2 cruisers, 9 destroyers, 5 submarines and 11 torpedo boats). At the side of the British and American fleets, the Polish vessels participated in tens of operations: e.g. in May 1940 in Narvik, during the evacuation from Dunkirk, in 1944 during the landing in Normandy (operation "Overlord"), escorting convoys to Murmansk and Malta but most of all in the Battle of the Atlantic which took place from 1940 to 1944, including the famous "hunt for Bismarck", the greatest Kriegsmarine battleship (May 1941). Totally, they participated in 665 battles and escorted 787 convoys, sunk 12 enemy ships (including 5 submarines) and 41 merchant vessels, damaged 24 more (including 8 submarines). Besides that the Allied sea transport was reinforced with 36 Polish merchant vessels which 1939 were abroad, total displacement of 117 thousand tons.
Basic bibliography:
Michael A. Peszke, Poland's Navy 1918-1945, New York 1999;
Jerzy Pertek, Mała flota wielka duchem, Poznań 1989.
Land battles 1941-1945
After the defeat of France, the Carpathian Riflemen Brigade left Syria and joined the British forces in Egypt. It was an excellent unit of 5 000 men, mainly experienced soldiers, the 1939 veterans and volunteers. In August 1941 it moved to Libya where it won fame in the heavy fights during the defense of the besieged Tobruk, and in the spring of 1942 in the Libyan Desert.
About 20 00 men managed to withdraw from France to Great Britain. They formed 1st Polish Corps that was supposed to defend the eastern coast of Scotland, and 1st Independent Parachute Brigade that was supposed to be airdropped in Poland once the national uprising began. In 1941 1st Armored Division was created within the frames of the 1st Corps. However, this army could not develop because the Polish immigration on the British Islands was not very numerous. No Poles were arriving from the conquered by Germany and Italy Europe, and the voluntary recruitment in the United States, Canada and Latin America brought only a few thousand men. Situation changed when after the 3rd Reich's assault on the Soviet Union. The Polish government signed a treaty with the Soviets guaranteeing (among others) releasing the Polish citizens from prisons and camps and creating Polish Army. It was formed under the command of General Władysław Anders. In the spring of 1942 it amounted to more than 70 000 men but it suffered from the lack of officers. The pre-war Polish officers were looked for in vain because it was not known that they were executed two years earlier by NKVD. The Soviet authorities caused more and more trouble in expanding the army, for example by drastically limiting food rations to 40 000 portions a day. In the same time the situation of the Allies in the Middle East was very difficult, the United States had just begun mobilization, and the Great Britain ran out of reserves. In such conditions it was agreed to evacuate the Polish units to Persia, yet with the army some civilians left as well (mainly children and families of soldiers) - altogether some 114 tousand people.
From the forces moved to the Middle East (first to Persia, then to Iraq and Palestine) the 2nd Polish Corps emerged. In December 1943 and January 1944 it was transported to the Italian front. About 50 000 soldiers fought for almost year and a half, distinguishing themselves with glory, especially during the bloody struggle to break the Gustav Line. The key position there was the hill and monastery of Monte Cassino, captured by the Poles on May 18th, 1944. In July the Corps captured the city and port of Ancona, and in August participated in breaking the Gothic Line at the Adriatic Sea. In 1945 it took part in the spring offensive in the North of Italy, in battles of Faenza and Bolonia, which was first entered by the Polish soldiers. During the campaign in Italy some 2600 of them were killed.
The Polish forces stationed on the British Islands, reinforced by the soldiers who came from the Soviet Union, prepared to participate in the invasion of the continent. In June 1944, in the operation "Overlord" in Normandy, the Polish Air Force and the navy took part. Then the 1st Armored Division (under the command of Gen. Maczek), total of 16 000 men, 380 tanks and 470 guns was moved to France. It formed a part of the Canadian Corps and won fame in the battles of Falaise and Chambois (August 18th to 22nd, 1944) where it closed the "cauldron", cutting off the retreating German divisions. Later on it liberated the cities of Abeville, St. Omar and Cassel in France, Ypres and Gent in Belgium and Breda (October 28th to 30th, 1944) in the Netherlands, finally capturing the German seaport of Wilhelmshaven. Its combat route amounted to 1800 km, the division destroyed 260 enemy tanks and self-propelled guns, loosing 4600 soldiers, including more than a 1000 of casualties. In September 1944 the 1st Parachute Brigade was airdropped near Arnhem in the Netherlands as a part of the unfortunate "Market-Garden", suffering great losses.
When the war in Europe was coming to an end, the Polish troops fighting at the side of the Western Allies numbered more than 210 thousand soldiers, 1335 tanks, about 4000 of armored vehicles, 2050 guns and mortars, 32 thousand different mechanical vessels.
Basic bibliography:
Witold Biegański, Polskie Siły Zbrojne na Zachodzie, 1939-1945, Warszawa 1990;
Margaret Brodniewicz-Stawicki, For your freedom and ours: the Polish Armed Forces in the Second World War, St. Catharines, Ont, 1999.
Polish Army on the Eastern Front
After bringing into light the Katyn massacre and breaking off the diplomatic relations with Poland (April 1943), Stalin decided to organize Polish armed forces fighting at side of the Red Army. These troops emerged without the approval of the legal authorities of Poland, most of the commanding personnel were Soviet officers, the political officers recruited from the Polish communists but ordinary soldiers were Poles deported in the years 1939-1941 to the interior of the Soviet Union, and from the spring 1944, also the inhabitants of the Polish Kresy Wschodnie (Eastern Borderlands). Though its origin was not legal, and it played a significant role in imposing the communist system in Poland later on, the Polish Army fighting on the Eastern Front contributed a lot to the Polish military effort. From a single division (1st Tadeusz Kościuszko Infantry Division, commanded by colonel Zygmunt Berling) eleven-thousand-people strong, which began to form in May 1943, it expanded to one-hundred-thousand-people-strong army in July 1994, and at the end of the war it amounted to more than 330 thousand soldiers formed in two armies with all land forces arms (infantry, artillery, engineers, tanks and different supporting troops).
This army's baptism of fire took place at the battle of Lenino (Belarus) in October 1943. In July and August 1944 the Polish troops fought at the bridgeheads on the Western Bank of the Vistula River, and in the battle of Studzianki the Polish armored brigade fought its first battle against the Germans. In September 1944 the Polish Army attempted at helping the insurgents in Warsaw - unsuccessfully and with great losses. From January 1945 it participated in the great Soviet offensive: in February and March it fought a dramatic battle to break the Wał Pomorski (Pomeranian Position - the highly fortified German defense line) and capturing Kołobrzeg (Kolberg), a Baltic seaport transformed into a fortress; the Polish troops fought at Gdańsk and Gdynia, and also by Zalew Szczeciński (Bay of Szczecin). The crowning of the combat route was participation in capturing Berlin. In the entire operation took part 180 000 soldiers from the 1st and 2nd Polish Army, and in the assault in the downtown of Berlin an important role played the 1st Tadeusz Kościuszko Division. It was the only military unit besides the Red Army that stuck its national flag over the ruins of the German capital. Polish troops reached the Elba River and got in touch with American units. In April 1945, the 2nd Army forced the Nysa River, then fought in the region of Dresden and Bautzen, suffering great losses. Its combat route it ended in May in Czechoslovakia. In battles against the Germans on the Eastern Front participated also some Polish air units (however, they consisted mainly of Soviet pilots).
From the battle of Lenino till the combat over Elba and in Saxony 17 500 soldiers were killed, almost 10 000 were considered to be MIA. The most casualties cost the fighting in Pomorze (Pomerania - 5400 killed and 2800 MIA) and in the Berlin operation (7200 killed and 3800 MIA). Because of the combined nature of the Soviet and Polish actions it is difficult to estimate how much damage the Poles inflicted to the enemy. Some partial data is available only for a few battles: at Lenino 1800 Germans were killed, wounded or taken prisoner, in the tank battle at Studzianki the Germans lost 20 tanks and self-propelled guns and 1500 soldiers, at Wał Pomorski 2300 killed. In Berlin the soldiers of the Kościuszko Division captured four subway stations and took prisoner 2500 German soldiers.
The Polish Army fighting in the East was the greatest regular military force fighting at the side of the Red Army. Its almost two years long combat route added up to 1000 kilometers. It participated in different and important activities: forcing rivers, capturing cities, attacking fortifications, pursuing enemy troops. Its share in victory was paid dearly.
Basic bibliography:
Czesław Grzelak, Henryk Stańczyk, Stefan Zwoliński, Armia Berlinga i Żymierskiego. Wojsko polskie na froncie wschodnim 1943-1945, Warszawa 2002.
The „Enigma" and Intelligence
On July 25th 1939, before the war began, the Polish intelligence (Section 2 of the General Staff) provided Great Britain and France with one copy each (with necessary documents) of the German coding machine "Enigma" that allowed to read the secret German messages. A team of Polish cryptologists was evacuated to France, later on to England, where a special center for monitoring and decoding was organized in Bletchley Park. The Polish "Enigma" played a significant role, especially during the Battle of Britain, Battle of the Atlantic and the invasion of the continent in 1944. Other evacuated to England Polish scientists and technicians have to be mentioned as well. The electronics specialists helped with creating the submarine detection system (HFDF - High Frequency Direction Finding). The Polish engineers constructed the reversible tank periscope and an anti-aircraft cannon, with tens of thousands of which the British troops were equipped.
The Intelligence
Due to the impossibility of forming regular troops in the occupied Poland, a very important role in the Polish contribution to the anti-Nazi alliance played the intelligence which had a lot of experience in the territory of Germany from before war. During the conflict the Polish intelligence based on two centers: Section 2 of the Commander-in-Chief Staff, operating mainly in Western Europe and North Africa, and Section 2 of the AK Commanding Officer that worked mainly home and in Germany. Section 2 in London was the coordinator of all and had close contacts with correspondent British services, including Special Operations Executive (SOE) that dealt with intelligence and sabotage in occupied Europe. In August 1941 there was an agreement signed with the intelligence of the United States (OCI, later OSS). For some time in 1942 the AK intelligence had direct radio connection with the Red Army. Before that and later on, a lot of information from the Polish intelligence reached Moscow with the help of the British. The relations with the Allies were very important, because the Polish army could not use all the information gathered because of the limited own potential.
The intelligence commanded directly from London created - starting in September 1940 - a lot of posts, a network of which covered practically entire Western and Southern Europe and North Africa. The greatest and the most important was the network in France (Agency "F", later "F2"), that amounted to more than 2500 agents and only in the years 1940-1942 provided the center in London with more than 5200 reports. In 1944 the working in Paris network "Interallie" focused on the issues related to the invasion. There also existed the networks in Denmark, Belgium, the Netherlands, Sweden, Switzerland, Spain, Portugal, Greece, Palestine, Italy, in the Balkans and the Baltic states. Information sent by the network of the Agency "AFR" played an important role in planning the allied attack on the North Africa (Operation "Torch", December 1942). In France the intelligence network was closely related to a wider Polish conspiracy activity that had also subversion and propaganda tasks (Polska Organizacja Walki o Niepodległość - Polish Organization of Fight for Independence, aka "Monika").
The first intelligence structures in the occupied Polish territories emerged in the autumn of 1939, parallel in the framework of the ZWZ staff and upon individual initiatives. Of the latter ones the most important one is the organization "Muszkieterzy" (the Musketeers). The proper development of the intelligence activity began after the fall of France when it was realized that the war was going to last longer than expected. Section 2 was an extended structure with all the departments and services existing in military intelligence, both in the center in Warsaw, and in the AK regions and districts. It is estimated that within their framework some 15 000 people worked, and an important role was played by the employees of the post offices and railways. One of the most important elements were the posts working in Germany (general codename "Stragan" or the "Stall"), located (among other places) in Berlin, Hamburg, Cologne, Wienna, Konigsberg, Wroclaw (Breslau), and Szczecin (Stettin). The offensive intelligence of the "Stragan" (codename "Lombard", or the "Pawnshop") undertook also the sabotage actions, like bomb attempts. After the outbreak of the Soviet-German war, the intelligence in the East expanded (codename "Pralnia" or "Laundry") by organizing posts in Smolensk, Kharkiv, Riga and Daugavpils. In the spring of 1941 the Polish intelligence sent to Moscow via London some comprehensive reports on the German invasion plans.
The most spectacular achievement of the AK intelligence was a thorough study of the research center and factory in Pennemunde, where V1 and V2 missiles were produced. The first information was obtained in the autumn 1942 and in March 1943 a detailed report was sent to London. This allowed the British to conduct a massive bomb attack (night from August 17th to 18th, 1943) which for many months stopped the Wunderwaffe (Wonderful Weapon) construction plans. In 1944 the AK intelligence captured a missile that had not exploded during the drill and sent its parts to London. Quite a role played the data on localization of gasoline factories (operation "Synteza", or the "Syntesis") and the military facilities in Germany and Poland. The information on concentration and death camps was also sent. The materials sent by the Poles were very much appreciated by the partners. In the Intelligence Service evaluations it can be read that "the Polish intelligence provided a lot of very valuable information" (first half-year 1942), the estimations delivered by the AK "belong to the most precious ones that we get" (June 1944).
In total, from the second half of 1940 to the end of 1943 (the data for the later period is missing) from the network of the Polish intelligence more than 26 000 reports and a few thousand decoded German messages were delivered to the Allies.
Basic bibliography:
Władysław Kozaczuk, Jerzy Straszak, Enigma: how the Poles broke the Nazi code, New York 2004;
Piotr Matusak, Wywiad Związku Walki Zbrojnej - Armii Krajowej 1939-1945, Warszawa 2002;
Andrzej Pepłoński, Wywiad Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie, 1939-1945, Warszawa 1995.
A thought for the anniversary
Polish soldiers were not invited to participate in the victory defilades which took place in 1945 in London and Moscow. This meant that the Great Powers treated Poland more like an object of mutual relations than like a partner. However, the Western Allies many times emphasized the heroism and determination of the Polish soldiers and the fact that Poland was a very valuable ally, therefore belonging to the winners of the war. Many Poles thought, and still think, that it was a "bitter victory" because the Polish state that emerged after the war was harmed by subordinating it to the Soviet Union. Despite this no one seems to doubt that it was necessary to fight and the homage to those who fought, is paid by everyone.
Friday, May 16, 2008
Historia I Powstanie Panstwa Israel a JudeoPolonia by Stanislaw Michalkiewicz
Historia I Powstanie Panstwa Israel a JudeoPolonia by Stanislaw Michalkiewicz
Myśląc Ojczyzna: "Nacjonaliści internacjonalni"
red. Stanisław Michalkiewicz (2008-05-14)
Felieton
słuchajzapisz
Szanowni Państwo!Przed 60 laty, 14 maja 1948 roku o godzinie 16.00 Dawid Ben Gurion odczytał Deklarację Niepodległości, proklamującą powstanie na terenie Palestyny państwa Izrael. Z tej okazji odbywają się dziś w Izraelu rocznicowe uroczystości, w których, obok innych gości zagranicznych, uczestniczy również prezydent Lech Kaczyński.Jak do tego doszło, że w 1948 roku proklamowano utworzenie Izraela? Otóż w czasach rzymskiego panowania w całym basenie Morza Śródziemnego, Żydzi wzniecili kolejne, antyrzymskie powstanie, zwane powstaniem Bar-Kochby. W rezultacie cesarz Hadrian w roku 135 rozpędził Żydów po całym świecie, zabraniając im pod karą śmierci zbliżania się do Jerozolimy, a miejscu której założył zresztą nowe miasto pod nazwą Colonia Aelia Capitolina.Od tamtej pory Żydzi żyją w rozproszeniu, chociaż w granicach świata cywilizowanego. Nie mają państwa, ale zachowują spójność narodową, przede wszystkim dzięki religii. Stąd też, niezależnie od miejsca osiedlenia, Żydzi zachowują znaczny wpływ na bieg spraw światowych, znaczny - zwłaszcza gdy się zważy, że ich liczba nie przekracza 3 procent ludności świata.Dzieje się tak między innymi dlatego, że Żydzi osiedlają się przede wszystkim w centrach cywilizacyjnych, a po drugie - że na skutek między innymi dominacji w Europie chrześcijaństwa, mogli wyspecjalizować się w obrocie finansowym, który stanowi prawdziwą śmietankę każdej gospodarki. Chrześcijaństwo bowiem potępiało lichwę, czyli pożyczanie na procent. Gospodarka jednak potrzebowała kredytu, więc skoro obrotem finansowym nie mogli zajmować się chrześcijanie, to zmonopolizowali go Żydzi. Tutaj akurat życie w diasporze okazało się czynnikiem sprzyjającym.W XIX wieku narody europejskie w coraz większym stopniu przekonują się do nowej ideologii politycznej, zwanej nacjonalizmem. Nacjonalizm utrzymuje, że każda wspólnota etniczna powinna zorganizować się politycznie w państwo. Ideałem nacjonalizmu jest jednolite etnicznie państwo narodowe. Nacjonalizm oddziałuje również na europejskich Żydów. Jeden z nich, Teodor Herzl, pisze książkę pod tytułem "Państwo żydowskie", w której wykłada pryncypia syjonizmu, czyli nacjonalizmu żydowskiego.Herzl dowodzi, że Żydzi są takim samym narodem jak wszystkie inne, więc też powinni mieć własne państwo. No tak, ale inne narody zamieszkują konkretne, zwarte obszary, podczas gdy Żydzi żyją w rozproszeniu. Gdzie zatem miałoby być zlokalizowane państwo żydowskie?Pomysłowość i aktywność przywódców ruchu syjonistycznego skierowana jest właśnie na udzielenie odpowiedzi na to pytanie. Największym skupiskiem Żydów na świecie jest wówczas Europa Środkowo-Wschodnia, a konkretnie - tereny dawnej Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej sprzed rozbiorów. Toteż w okresie I wojny światowej, kiedy Niemcy zajmują ogromne obszary na wschodzie Europy, pojawia się pomysł utworzenia tak zwanej Judeopolonii.To buforowe państwo między niemieckimi protektoratami Mitteleuropy, a Rosją, rozciągałoby się od Zatoki Ryskiej na północy, do wybrzeży Morza Czarnego na południu, wzdłuż ustanowionej jeszcze przez Katarzynę II tak zwanej "linii osiedlenia" i obejmowałoby tereny przejęte przez Rosję od Polski podczas I rozbioru oraz dawne gubernie czarnomorskie. Ale Niemcy I wojnę światową wtedy przegrały, w Rosji wybuchła zaś rewolucja bolszewicka i w ten sposób pomysł Judeopolonii spalił na panewce.Ale jednocześnie działacze syjonistyczni związani z aliantami zachodnimi, wykorzystali sytuację, ze Wielka Brytania potrzebowała pieniędzy na kontynuowanie wojny i za obietnice finansowe uzyskali w 1917 roku od brytyjskiego ministra spraw zagranicznych lorda Balfoura deklarację, w której rząd brytyjski "odnosi się przychylnie do ustanowienia w Palestynie siedziby narodowej dla narodu żydowskiego i dołoży wszelkich starań, aby ułatwić osiągnięcie tego celu."Kiedy zatem zakończyła się I wojna światowa, w której Wielka Brytania pokonała również sprzymierzona z Niemcami Turcję i uzyskała od Ligi Narodów mandat na zarządzanie Palestyną, działacze syjonistyczni rozpoczęli akcję osiedlania ludności żydowskiej na terenie Palestyny. Osiedlali się tam ochotnicy, uprzednio przeszkoleni w pracy na roli, zaś żydowscy finansiści dostarczali pieniędzy na wykupywanie ziemi z rąk arabskich.Warto zwrócić uwagę, że akcja przesiedleńcza odbywała się również w Niemczech, także po dojściu do władzy Adolfa Hitlera. Rzecz w tym, że cele przywódców ruchu syjonistycznego i partii hitlerowskiej były zbieżne w jednym punkcie: syjoniści pragnęli, by jak najwięcej Żydów osiedliło się w Palestynie, upatrzonej na restaurację państwa żydowskiego, a hitlerowcy pragnęli pozbyć się Żydów z Niemiec.W rezultacie na terenie Palestyny znalazło się w okresie międzywojennym około 800 tysięcy osadników żydowskich, co oczywiście wywołało nasilające się walki z miejscowymi Arabami. Walki te z różnym nasileniem trwały przez cały okres II wojny światowej. Po jej zakończeniu emigracja Żydów do Palestyny jeszcze się nasiliła tak, że w roku 1947 tamtejsza społeczność żydowska liczyła ponad półtora miliona.Po dokonanej podczas wojny przez Rzeszę Niemiecką masakrze Żydów europejskich, społeczność międzynarodowa podchodziła do projektów państwa żydowskiego na Bliskim Wschodzie z większym zrozumieniem, niż przedtem. Ale pozostawały też prawa ludności arabskiej, która na gwałtowny wzrost liczebności Żydów w Palestynie reagowała rosnącym niezadowoleniem. Organizacja Narodów Zjednoczonych przygotowała więc dość skomplikowany plan podziału Palestyny na część żydowską i arabską. Nie zadowolił on jednak żadnej ze stron, a walki gwałtownie się nasiliły. W tej sytuacji Wielka Brytania 13 maja 1948 roku zrzekła się mandatu nad Palestyną, a następnego dnia Dawid Ben Gurion proklamował powstanie Izraela.Czy powstanie Izraela było wydarzeniem korzystnym? To zależy od punktu widzenia. Dla syjonistów utworzenie Izraela stanowiło ukoronowanie ich programu politycznego. Co więcej - powstanie Izraela pozwoliło im wysunąć się na czoło wśród innych kierunków politycznych w diasporze żydowskiej. Obecnie syjoniści, a więc - nacjonaliści, zajmują niekwestionowanie czołowe miejsce w żydowskiej społeczności, zarówno pod względem politycznym, jak i ideologicznym. Wszelki sprzeciw wobec syjonizmu traktowany jest jako antysemityzm i energicznie zwalczany przez wiele wyspecjalizowanych organizacji i kontrolowane przez syjonistów media. Charakterystyczne jest również i to, że syjoniści, będąc sami nacjonalistami, często nawet skrajnymi, zwalczają nacjonalizm u innych narodów.Jeśli jednak spojrzymy na Izrael z innej niż syjonistyczna perspektywy, to nie można nie zauważyć, iż proklamowanie tego państwa uczyniło z Bliskiego Wschodu notoryczny punkt zapalny na świecie. W ciągu 60 lat swego istnienia Izrael stoczył cztery duże wojny ze swoimi sąsiadami, nie licząc wojen mniejszych, zwanych "operacjami pokojowymi". W tej sytuacji trudno uznać Izrael za czynnik sprzyjający pokojowi światowemu tym bardziej, że władze tego państwa, prezentując charakterystyczny dla nacjonalistów sposób myślenia, przyznały sobie prawo karcenia każdego państwa, jeśli tylko uznają, że z jakichś powodów zagraża ono interesom Izraela. Staje się to szczególnie poważne w sytuacji, kiedy Izrael, nie podporządkowując się zasadzie nie rozprzestrzeniania broni jądrowej, zbudował sobie, przy pomocy Stanów Zjednoczonych, arsenał nuklearny.Jest oczywiste, że bez protekcji i stałej pomocy finansowej Ameryki, istnienie Izraela w obecnym kształcie i nastawieniu byłoby problematyczne, o ile w ogóle możliwe. Powstaje zatem pytanie, czy Izrael rzeczywiście jest wysuniętym bastionem obronnym zachodniej cywilizacji, czy też - krwawiącą raną, która z roku na rok pochłania bezpowrotnie coraz to więcej sił żywotnych zachodniej cywilizacji, która musi bronić tego państwa w imię wyznawanej przez jego przywódców nacjonalistycznej ideologii. Warto zwłaszcza, by zastanowił się nad tym prezydent Lech Kaczyński, przygotowujący się do ratyfikacji Traktatu Lizbońskiego.
Mówił Stanisław Michalkiewicz
Myśląc Ojczyzna: "Nacjonaliści internacjonalni"
red. Stanisław Michalkiewicz (2008-05-14)
Felieton
słuchajzapisz
Szanowni Państwo!Przed 60 laty, 14 maja 1948 roku o godzinie 16.00 Dawid Ben Gurion odczytał Deklarację Niepodległości, proklamującą powstanie na terenie Palestyny państwa Izrael. Z tej okazji odbywają się dziś w Izraelu rocznicowe uroczystości, w których, obok innych gości zagranicznych, uczestniczy również prezydent Lech Kaczyński.Jak do tego doszło, że w 1948 roku proklamowano utworzenie Izraela? Otóż w czasach rzymskiego panowania w całym basenie Morza Śródziemnego, Żydzi wzniecili kolejne, antyrzymskie powstanie, zwane powstaniem Bar-Kochby. W rezultacie cesarz Hadrian w roku 135 rozpędził Żydów po całym świecie, zabraniając im pod karą śmierci zbliżania się do Jerozolimy, a miejscu której założył zresztą nowe miasto pod nazwą Colonia Aelia Capitolina.Od tamtej pory Żydzi żyją w rozproszeniu, chociaż w granicach świata cywilizowanego. Nie mają państwa, ale zachowują spójność narodową, przede wszystkim dzięki religii. Stąd też, niezależnie od miejsca osiedlenia, Żydzi zachowują znaczny wpływ na bieg spraw światowych, znaczny - zwłaszcza gdy się zważy, że ich liczba nie przekracza 3 procent ludności świata.Dzieje się tak między innymi dlatego, że Żydzi osiedlają się przede wszystkim w centrach cywilizacyjnych, a po drugie - że na skutek między innymi dominacji w Europie chrześcijaństwa, mogli wyspecjalizować się w obrocie finansowym, który stanowi prawdziwą śmietankę każdej gospodarki. Chrześcijaństwo bowiem potępiało lichwę, czyli pożyczanie na procent. Gospodarka jednak potrzebowała kredytu, więc skoro obrotem finansowym nie mogli zajmować się chrześcijanie, to zmonopolizowali go Żydzi. Tutaj akurat życie w diasporze okazało się czynnikiem sprzyjającym.W XIX wieku narody europejskie w coraz większym stopniu przekonują się do nowej ideologii politycznej, zwanej nacjonalizmem. Nacjonalizm utrzymuje, że każda wspólnota etniczna powinna zorganizować się politycznie w państwo. Ideałem nacjonalizmu jest jednolite etnicznie państwo narodowe. Nacjonalizm oddziałuje również na europejskich Żydów. Jeden z nich, Teodor Herzl, pisze książkę pod tytułem "Państwo żydowskie", w której wykłada pryncypia syjonizmu, czyli nacjonalizmu żydowskiego.Herzl dowodzi, że Żydzi są takim samym narodem jak wszystkie inne, więc też powinni mieć własne państwo. No tak, ale inne narody zamieszkują konkretne, zwarte obszary, podczas gdy Żydzi żyją w rozproszeniu. Gdzie zatem miałoby być zlokalizowane państwo żydowskie?Pomysłowość i aktywność przywódców ruchu syjonistycznego skierowana jest właśnie na udzielenie odpowiedzi na to pytanie. Największym skupiskiem Żydów na świecie jest wówczas Europa Środkowo-Wschodnia, a konkretnie - tereny dawnej Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej sprzed rozbiorów. Toteż w okresie I wojny światowej, kiedy Niemcy zajmują ogromne obszary na wschodzie Europy, pojawia się pomysł utworzenia tak zwanej Judeopolonii.To buforowe państwo między niemieckimi protektoratami Mitteleuropy, a Rosją, rozciągałoby się od Zatoki Ryskiej na północy, do wybrzeży Morza Czarnego na południu, wzdłuż ustanowionej jeszcze przez Katarzynę II tak zwanej "linii osiedlenia" i obejmowałoby tereny przejęte przez Rosję od Polski podczas I rozbioru oraz dawne gubernie czarnomorskie. Ale Niemcy I wojnę światową wtedy przegrały, w Rosji wybuchła zaś rewolucja bolszewicka i w ten sposób pomysł Judeopolonii spalił na panewce.Ale jednocześnie działacze syjonistyczni związani z aliantami zachodnimi, wykorzystali sytuację, ze Wielka Brytania potrzebowała pieniędzy na kontynuowanie wojny i za obietnice finansowe uzyskali w 1917 roku od brytyjskiego ministra spraw zagranicznych lorda Balfoura deklarację, w której rząd brytyjski "odnosi się przychylnie do ustanowienia w Palestynie siedziby narodowej dla narodu żydowskiego i dołoży wszelkich starań, aby ułatwić osiągnięcie tego celu."Kiedy zatem zakończyła się I wojna światowa, w której Wielka Brytania pokonała również sprzymierzona z Niemcami Turcję i uzyskała od Ligi Narodów mandat na zarządzanie Palestyną, działacze syjonistyczni rozpoczęli akcję osiedlania ludności żydowskiej na terenie Palestyny. Osiedlali się tam ochotnicy, uprzednio przeszkoleni w pracy na roli, zaś żydowscy finansiści dostarczali pieniędzy na wykupywanie ziemi z rąk arabskich.Warto zwrócić uwagę, że akcja przesiedleńcza odbywała się również w Niemczech, także po dojściu do władzy Adolfa Hitlera. Rzecz w tym, że cele przywódców ruchu syjonistycznego i partii hitlerowskiej były zbieżne w jednym punkcie: syjoniści pragnęli, by jak najwięcej Żydów osiedliło się w Palestynie, upatrzonej na restaurację państwa żydowskiego, a hitlerowcy pragnęli pozbyć się Żydów z Niemiec.W rezultacie na terenie Palestyny znalazło się w okresie międzywojennym około 800 tysięcy osadników żydowskich, co oczywiście wywołało nasilające się walki z miejscowymi Arabami. Walki te z różnym nasileniem trwały przez cały okres II wojny światowej. Po jej zakończeniu emigracja Żydów do Palestyny jeszcze się nasiliła tak, że w roku 1947 tamtejsza społeczność żydowska liczyła ponad półtora miliona.Po dokonanej podczas wojny przez Rzeszę Niemiecką masakrze Żydów europejskich, społeczność międzynarodowa podchodziła do projektów państwa żydowskiego na Bliskim Wschodzie z większym zrozumieniem, niż przedtem. Ale pozostawały też prawa ludności arabskiej, która na gwałtowny wzrost liczebności Żydów w Palestynie reagowała rosnącym niezadowoleniem. Organizacja Narodów Zjednoczonych przygotowała więc dość skomplikowany plan podziału Palestyny na część żydowską i arabską. Nie zadowolił on jednak żadnej ze stron, a walki gwałtownie się nasiliły. W tej sytuacji Wielka Brytania 13 maja 1948 roku zrzekła się mandatu nad Palestyną, a następnego dnia Dawid Ben Gurion proklamował powstanie Izraela.Czy powstanie Izraela było wydarzeniem korzystnym? To zależy od punktu widzenia. Dla syjonistów utworzenie Izraela stanowiło ukoronowanie ich programu politycznego. Co więcej - powstanie Izraela pozwoliło im wysunąć się na czoło wśród innych kierunków politycznych w diasporze żydowskiej. Obecnie syjoniści, a więc - nacjonaliści, zajmują niekwestionowanie czołowe miejsce w żydowskiej społeczności, zarówno pod względem politycznym, jak i ideologicznym. Wszelki sprzeciw wobec syjonizmu traktowany jest jako antysemityzm i energicznie zwalczany przez wiele wyspecjalizowanych organizacji i kontrolowane przez syjonistów media. Charakterystyczne jest również i to, że syjoniści, będąc sami nacjonalistami, często nawet skrajnymi, zwalczają nacjonalizm u innych narodów.Jeśli jednak spojrzymy na Izrael z innej niż syjonistyczna perspektywy, to nie można nie zauważyć, iż proklamowanie tego państwa uczyniło z Bliskiego Wschodu notoryczny punkt zapalny na świecie. W ciągu 60 lat swego istnienia Izrael stoczył cztery duże wojny ze swoimi sąsiadami, nie licząc wojen mniejszych, zwanych "operacjami pokojowymi". W tej sytuacji trudno uznać Izrael za czynnik sprzyjający pokojowi światowemu tym bardziej, że władze tego państwa, prezentując charakterystyczny dla nacjonalistów sposób myślenia, przyznały sobie prawo karcenia każdego państwa, jeśli tylko uznają, że z jakichś powodów zagraża ono interesom Izraela. Staje się to szczególnie poważne w sytuacji, kiedy Izrael, nie podporządkowując się zasadzie nie rozprzestrzeniania broni jądrowej, zbudował sobie, przy pomocy Stanów Zjednoczonych, arsenał nuklearny.Jest oczywiste, że bez protekcji i stałej pomocy finansowej Ameryki, istnienie Izraela w obecnym kształcie i nastawieniu byłoby problematyczne, o ile w ogóle możliwe. Powstaje zatem pytanie, czy Izrael rzeczywiście jest wysuniętym bastionem obronnym zachodniej cywilizacji, czy też - krwawiącą raną, która z roku na rok pochłania bezpowrotnie coraz to więcej sił żywotnych zachodniej cywilizacji, która musi bronić tego państwa w imię wyznawanej przez jego przywódców nacjonalistycznej ideologii. Warto zwłaszcza, by zastanowił się nad tym prezydent Lech Kaczyński, przygotowujący się do ratyfikacji Traktatu Lizbońskiego.
Mówił Stanisław Michalkiewicz
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